epubdos : Afghanistan
SCA MORNING PRESS CLIPS
Prepared for the U.S. Department of State
Bureau of South and Central Asian Affairs
TO:
SCA & Staff
DATE:
Thursday, June 6, 2024 6:30 AM ET

Afghanistan
The Taliban publicly flogs 63 people including women accused of crimes. The UN condemns it (AP)
AP [6/5/2024 12:34 PM, Staff, 31180K, Negative]
The United Nations Assistance Mission in Afghanistan on Wednesday condemned the public flogging of more than 60 people, including more than a dozen women, by the Taliban in northern Sari Pul province.

At least 63 people were lashed on Tuesday by Afghanistan’s de facto authorities, UNAMA said in a statement on social platform X. The U.N. office condemned corporal punishment and called for respect for international human rights obligations.

Taliban’s supreme court in a statement confirmed the public flogging of 63 people including 14 women who had been accused of crimes including sodomy, theft and immoral relations. They were flogged at a sports stadium.

The Taliban, despite initial promises of a more moderate rule, began carrying out severe punishments in public — executions, floggings and stonings — shortly after coming to power again in 2021. The punishments are similar to those during the Taliban’s previous rule in the late 1990s.

Separate statements by the supreme court said a man and a woman convicted of adultery and trying to run away from home were flogged in northern Panjsher province on Wednesday.

Earlier this year, the Taliban held a public execution of a man convicted of murder as thousands watched at a stadium in northern Jawzjan province. The brother of the murdered man shot the convict five times with a rifle.

That was the fifth public execution since the Taliban seized power in August 2021 as U.S. and NATO troops were in the final weeks of their withdrawal from the country after two decades of war.
Taliban Publicly Flogs Dozens Of People In Northern Afghanistan (Radio Free Europe)
Radio Free Europe [6/5/2024 4:14 PM, Staff, 235K, Negative]
The Taliban has publicly flogged dozens of people in a sports stadium in northern Afghanistan after their convictions for crimes involving "immoral relations."

In a statement, the Taliban’s Supreme Court said 63 people, including 15 women, were flogged in Sar-e Pol Province in the presence of local officials on June 4.

The court said those flogged were accused of theft and so-called moral crimes, including adultery, homosexuality, and eloping.

Public punishments are on the rise in Afghanistan, where the Taliban’s spiritual leader, Mullah Haibatullah Akhundzada, ordered the return of Islamic sentences in November 2022.

That included "qisas" and "hudood" punishments, which allow "eye-for-an-eye" retribution and corporal punishments for offenses considered to be in violation of the boundaries set by God.

Since then, hundreds across Afghanistan have been publicly flogged or had body parts amputated for crimes such as theft and adultery. The extremist group has also publicly executed at least five people convicted of murder.

The executions and punishments have underscored the Taliban’s commitment to imposing its extremist interpretation of Shari’a law.

The punishments have provoked strong criticism from human rights watchdogs and Afghans.

"Because of the bad deed of one person, the reputation of an entire family or community is destroyed," a resident of the southwestern province of Nimroz told RFE/RL’s Radio Azadi. "Punishments shouldn’t be carried out in public."

Shaharzad Akbar, an Afghan rights campaigner who headed the former Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission, said the aim of the Taliban’s "theatrical acts" is to incite fear.

"The Taliban’s form of governance is contrary to human rights," she told Radio Azadi. "The human rights and human dignity of men and women are not important to them."

Meanwhile, Islamic scholars have said the Taliban has failed to meet the stringent conditions required by Islamic law in implementing such harsh punishments.

Salahuddin Saeedi, an Afghan religious scholar, told Radio Azadi that the Taliban also lacks the legitimacy to carry out Islamic punishments.

The Taliban’s hard-line government is not recognized by any country in the world, while its extremist policies are opposed by many Afghans.

Under the Taliban’s first regime in the 1990s, public executions and punishments were common. The group gained international notoriety for using sports stadiums to carry them out.
Taliban official facing $10 million US bounty makes rare UAE visit (VOA)
VOA [6/5/2024 5:01 PM, Ayaz Gul, 4032K, Negative]
A senior Taliban leader in Afghanistan, wanted by the United States for terrorism, has concluded a rare visit to the United Arab Emirates, where he met with the host country’s leadership, an Afghan official said Wednesday.

Interior Minister Sirajuddin Haqqani traveled abroad for the first time since the Taliban took over the war-torn South Asian nation nearly three years ago. Reward for Justice, a U.S. Department of State program aimed at combating international terrorism, offers $10 million for information that will lead to Haqqani’s arrest.

UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan received Haqqani in Abu Dhabi, the Emirati capital, on Tuesday. The state-run WAM news agency reported the meeting and included a picture of them shaking hands.

“The two sides discussed strengthening the bonds of cooperation between the two countries and ways to enhance ties to serve mutual interests and contribute to regional stability,” WAM reported. It added that the discussions “focused on economic and development fields, as well as support for reconstruction and development in Afghanistan.”

The U.S. State Department spokesperson responded in a restrained fashion Wednesday when asked for comments on Haqqani’s visit to the UAE.

“I would just note that hosting U.N.-sanctioned Taliban members must seek permission for travel through an exemption process as outlined by the U.N. 1988 sanctions committee, and it’s important that member states follow these procedures,” Mathew Miller told a regular news conference in Washington.

Dozens of senior Taliban officials, including Haqqani, are subject to U.N. Security Council sanctions that include asset freezes and foreign travel bans. The sanctions have been repeatedly eased, however, to enable Taliban leaders to meet representatives from other countries abroad for Afghan peace talks and related issues.

Zabihullah Mujahid, the chief spokesman of the Taliban government in Kabul, also confirmed the meeting. In a statement Wednesday, he said the Taliban’s spy chief, Abdul Haq Wasiq, accompanied Haqqani in the talks.

Mujahid said that their delegation discussed strengthening bilateral ties with Emirati officials and solicited UAE cooperation in developing the Afghan healthcare and infrastructure sectors for the Kabul government’s security organization.

He said both sides agreed to help maintain “the current security and stability in Afghanistan, with a focus on regional stability.” The UAE government promised to participate in Afghanistan’s reconstruction and encourage Emirati companies to invest in the country, Mujahid added.

Wasiq was held for years in the U.S. military’s Guantanamo Bay detention center before being released with four other Taliban insurgents in 2014 in exchange for American soldier Bowe Bergdahl.

The Haqqani network of militants led by the Afghan interior minister captured Bergdahl after he left his post in 2009.

The network staged high-profile suicide and road bombings as well as guerrilla attacks on U.S.-led coalition forces during their nearly two-decades-long presence in Afghanistan until the then-insurgent Taliban returned to power in August 2021 as foreign militaries exited the country.

The U.S. FBI’s list of most wanted men identifies Haqqani as a specially designated global terrorist who maintains close ties to al-Qaida. It says the militant leader is wanted for questioning in connection with the January 2008 attack on a Kabul hotel that killed six people, including an American citizen.

While in Kabul, Haqqani regularly meets foreign diplomats and speaks in public. Regional diplomats say the interior minister meets visitors in secrecy and keeps changing venues, fearing a U.S. drone strike.

Haqqani appeared on CNN in 2022 with a conciliatory message for Americans. “In the future, we would like to have good relations with the United States,” he told the U.S. media outlet.

A U.S. drone strike in a posh neighborhood in the Afghan capital killed fugitive al-Qaida leader Ayman al-Zawahiri in 2022. U.S. officials said the slain terror leader was residing in a three-story safe house that was linked to Haqqani.

The Taliban protested the strike, saying it was a breach of the 2020 Doha agreement they signed with Washington, which paved the way for the U.S. to withdraw from the longest U.S. war in history.

The Taliban also pledged in line with the terms of the agreement not to harbor al-Qaida and other transnational militant groups seeking to attack America and its allies.

No country has recognized the Taliban government, citing human rights concerns and bans on Afghan women’s access to education and work.

While the U.S. and other Western nations moved their diplomatic missions out of Afghanistan, mostly to Qatar after the Taliban takeover, neighboring and regional countries, including China and Russia, have retained their diplomatic posts in Kabul and allowed Taliban envoys to run Afghan embassies.

U.S. officials have since held several meetings with Taliban representatives in Qatar’s capital, Doha, but they have had no interaction with Haqqani.

The UAE, Saudi Arabia, and neighboring Pakistan were the only countries that had recognized the previous Taliban government until it was ousted by the U.S.-led invasion for sheltering al-Qaida planners of the September 2001 terror strikes on America.

Haqqani’s visit to the UAE comes as the United Nations prepares to convene another international gathering in Doha of special envoys for Afghanistan later this month.

The Doha meeting on June 30 aims to increase, facilitate, and coordinate the world’s engagement with the country facing one of the worst humanitarian crises in the world amid deepening economic and financial troubles stemming from the Taliban takeover.

The Taliban were invited to two previous huddles but refused to join the Doha process of consultations. Kabul, however, has said it is conducting internal consultations after receiving a U.N. invitation to decide whether to attend the coming meeting.

De facto Afghan rulers had previously linked their participation to their acceptance as the sole official representatives of the country, meaning that Afghan civil society activists and members of opposition groups would not be present. The U.N. rejected those conditions, and it was not known if the world body would review its stance to ensure the Taliban’s participation.
Pakistan
Pakistan’s top court issues notices to 34 channels for airing controversial pressers (VOA)
VOA [6/5/2024 1:31 PM, Sarah Zaman, 4032K, Negative]
The Supreme Court of Pakistan issued notices Wednesday to nearly three dozen news channels, demanding explanations for airing two press conferences critical of the judiciary.

A three-member bench of the top court headed by the Chief Justice of Pakistan Qazi Faiz Isa issued the “show-cause” notices to 34 channels, seeking a response within two weeks.

The bench is hearing a case against two parliamentarians for making remarks against the judiciary in separate press conferences.

In mid-May, news channels aired press conferences by Faisal Vawda and Mustafa Kamal in which they criticized the judicial system and senior judges. Taking notice of the speeches, the top court demanded the two politicians explain their remarks.

“TV channels say someone spoke and we aired it, [that] this is freedom of expression,” Chief Justice Isa said Wednesday, criticizing news media’s decision to air the pressers live.

Ban on court reporting

Separately, the high court of Pakistan’s capital Islamabad clarified Wednesday that there was no ban on reporting court proceedings.

On May 21, Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority, or PEMRA, directed cable news channels to refrain from airing headlines, news tickers, and commentary about ongoing court cases until a final verdict was issued.

Hearing the pleas of journalist bodies against the regulator’s decision, the Islamabad High Court Chief Justice Amir Farooq said the media was free to report on judicial proceedings.

“There is no ban on court reporting,” Farooq said. “Only a prohibition on irresponsible reporting.”

The court adjourned the hearing until June 11.

Judiciary under pressure

Pakistan’s political turmoil is casting a shadow over the country’s judiciary. Since former Prime Minister Imran Khan was ousted in April 2022 in a parliamentary vote of no-confidence and publicly fell out with the powerful military, the judiciary in Pakistan has faced public criticism for its decisions, as well.

While some verdicts dealt a blow to Khan’s political prospects — like stripping his party of its electoral symbol cricket bat just a few weeks before the elections — other decisions provided him relief by throwing out charges, such as fomenting riots and leaking state secrets.

Senior judges also have complained of interference by intelligence agencies. In March of this year, a majority of the judges of the Islamabad High Court wrote a rare letter to the country’s chief justice alleging the military-run spy agencies were intimidating them and their relatives through abduction, torture, and surveillance of personal spaces to influence judgments.

In April, the personal documents of a high court judge and his family members were posted on X. The social media platform has been suspended in Pakistan since February 17, but it is accessible through VPNs or virtual private networks.

Journalists under pressure

Three media persons in recent days have also come under attack in Pakistan by unidentified assailants, prompting the Committee to Protect Journalists to call on the government to investigate the incidents.

According to CPJ, on May 29, unidentified gunmen shot journalist Haider Mastoi and cameraman Khan Muhammad Pitafi in the southern Sindh province.

On May 30, armed men shot journalist Chaudhry Ikhlaq in the country’s eastern province Punjab.

“Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s government must stop this alarming rise in attacks against journalists and end this cycle of impunity that fuels a culture of violence against Pakistan media,” CPJ Asia Program Coordinator Beh Lih Yi said in a statement.

CPJ is investigating if the journalists were attacked for their reporting.

2024 has quickly become a deadly year for journalists in Pakistan, with four killed in May and one in March.

Media watchdogs regard Pakistan as a dangerous country for journalists. Since 1992, when the CPJ started keeping a tally, at least 64 media persons have lost their lives. Most cases of journalists targeted for their work, however, remain unresolved.
Denmark, Greece, Pakistan, Panama and Somalia are set to get seats on the UN Security Council (AP)
AP [6/5/2024 11:08 PM, Edith M. Lederer, 456K, Neutral]
Denmark, Greece, Pakistan, Panama and Somalia were set to get seats on the U.N. Security Council in a secret ballot Thursday in the General Assembly.

The 193-member world body is scheduled to vote to elect five countries to serve two-year terms on the council. The 10 non-permanent seats on the 15-member council are allotted to regional groups who usually select their candidates but sometimes can’t agree on one. There are no such surprises this year.

Last year, Slovenia soundly defeated Russia’s close ally Belarus for the seat representing the East European regional group, a vote that reflected strong global opposition to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

This time, the regional groups put forward Somalia for an African seat, Pakistan for an Asia-Pacific seat, Panama for a Latin America and Caribbean seat, and Denmark and Greece for two mainly Western seats.

The five council members elected Thursday will start their terms on Jan. 1, replacing those whose two-year terms end on Dec. 31 — Mozambique, Japan, Ecuador, Malta and Switzerland.

They will join the five veto-wielding permanent members — the United States, Russia, China, United Kingdom and France — and the five countries elected last year — Algeria, Guyana, South Korea, Sierra Leone and Slovenia.

The Security Council is charged with maintaining international peace and security. But because of Russia’s veto power it has been unable to take action on Ukraine — and because of close U.S. ties to Israel it has not called for a cessation of hostilities in Gaza.

All five countries expected to win seats on Thursday have served previously on the Security Council – Pakistan seven times, Panama five times, Denmark four times, Greece twice and Somalia once.

Virtually every country agrees that almost eight decades after the United Nations was established the Security Council needs to expand and reflect the world in the 21st century, not the post-World War II era reflected now.

But with 193 countries with national interests, the central question — and the biggest disagreement — is exactly how. And for four decades, those disagreements have blocked any significant reform of the U.N.’s most powerful body.
India
Biden congratulates Modi, discusses US official Sullivan’s visit (Reuters)
Reuters [6/5/2024 7:06 PM, David Brunnstrom, Kanishka Singh, and Ismail Shakil, 4032K, Neutral]
President Joe Biden on Wednesday congratulated Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in a call for his election victory, and the two discussed an upcoming visit to New Delhi by U.S. national security adviser Jake Sullivan, the White House said.

The State Department said separately that Washington looked forward to more cooperation with New Delhi to ensure a free Indo-Pacific region.

"The friendship between our nations is only growing as we unlock a shared future of unlimited potential," Biden said in a post on social media platform X.

Modi, whose National Democratic Alliance retained power with a surprisingly slim majority in voting results announced on Tuesday, called the U.S.-India partnership "a force for global good."

The U.S. and India have deepened ties in recent years given shared concerns about China’s growing power, even as New Delhi has maintained its long-standing relationship with Russia despite the war in Ukraine, and even as rights advocates have raised concerns about the human rights situation in India, particularly surrounding treatment of minorities.

State Department spokesperson Matthew Miller on Tuesday called the U.S.-Indian relationship "a great partnership," although the U.S. had concerns about human rights, which he said it would continue to raise openly with New Delhi.

The White House’s statement after the call between the two leaders did not give the date of Sullivan’s upcoming New Delhi visit. It said he will engage with the Indian government on shared priorities, including over technology.

Last year, during a visit by Modi to the U.S., the two countries announced a range of agreements on semiconductors, critical minerals, technology, defense and space cooperation.

PLOTS AGAINST SIKH SEPARATISTS TEST TIES

Ties between the two countries have been tested recently by the discovery of assassination plots against Sikh separatists in Canada and the United States.

In November, U.S. authorities said an Indian government official had directed the plot in the attempted murder of Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, a Sikh separatist and dual citizen of the United States and Canada. Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau announced in September that Canadian intelligence agencies were pursuing credible allegations linking the Indian government to the murder of Sikh separatist leader Hardeep Singh Nijjar in June 2023 in Canada.

Trudeau also congratulated Modi in a statement on Wednesday and said Canada was ready to advance ties between the countries "anchored to human rights, diversity, and the rule of law."

Last month, the U.S. ambassador to India said Washington was satisfied so far with India’s moves to ensure accountability in the alleged plots, but many steps were still needed and there must be consequences for what was a "red line for America."

India has expressed concerns about the linkage to officials and dissociated itself from the plots, saying it would formally investigate the concerns.

Political analysts say Washington is restrained in public criticism because it hopes India will act as a counterweight to an expansionist China.
Biden congratulates Modi on ‘historic’ win, sees US-India ties ‘only growing’ (The Hill)
The Hill [6/5/2024 2:04 PM, Sarakshi Rai, 18752K, Positive]
President Biden on Wednesday congratulated Narendra Modi and his National Democratic Alliance coalition for their victory in India’s general election.

“Congratulations to Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the National Democratic Alliance on their victory, and the nearly 650 million voters in this historic election,” Biden said on the social platform X.

Modi secured a third term as India’s next prime minister, but his political party suffered a blow, winning by less than the expected margin despite the polls overwhelmingly indicating otherwise.

“The friendship between our nations is only growing as we unlock a shared future of unlimited potential,” Biden added.

Modi confirmed he received a phone call from Biden and said he was “happy to receive call from my friend President Joe Biden.”

“Deeply value his warm words of felicitations and his appreciation for the Indian democracy,” Modi said on X.

The Indian prime minister, who visited Washington on an official state visit a year ago, added that he also conveyed to Biden the “India-US Comprehensive Global Partnership is poised to witness many new landmarks in the years to come.”

“Our partnership will continue to be a force for global good for the benefit of humanity,” he added.

Biden’s congratulatory tweet came shortly after Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party and its allies unanimously elected Modi as the National Democratic Alliance leader on Wednesday.

He is likely to be sworn in Saturday, according to local media reports.

World leaders have continued to share their congratulatory messages to Modi on social media, including France’s Emmanuel Macron, Russia’s President Vladimir Putin and Ukraine President Volodymyr Zelensky.
Narendra Modi Fell to Earth After Making It All About Himself (New York Times)
New York Times [6/5/2024 4:14 PM, Mujib Mashal, Suhasini Raj, and Hari Kumar, 831K, Neutral]
When everything became about Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India, his party and its century-old Hindu-nationalist network were propelled to unimagined heights.

On the back of his singular charisma and political skill, a onetime-fringe religious ideology was pulled to the center of Indian life. Landslide election victories remade India’s politics, once dominated by diverse coalitions representing a nation that had shaped its independence on secular principles.

But there were always risks in wrapping a party’s fortunes so completely in the image of one man, in inundating a country of many religions, castes and cultures with that leader’s name, face and voice. Voters could start to think that everything was about him, not them. They could even revolt.

On Tuesday, Mr. Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party, or B.J.P., fell back to earth. After having promised their biggest election romp yet, they lost more than 60 seats. Mr. Modi will remain in office for a third term, but only with the help of a contentious coalition of parties, some of which are opposed to his core beliefs and want power of their own.

With the result, India’s strained democracy appeared to roar back to life, its beaten-down political opposition reinvigorated. And after a decade in which Mr. Modi’s success in entrenching Hindu supremacy had often felt like the new common sense, India is seeing its leader and itself in a new light, and trying to understand this unexpected turn.

Most fundamentally, the opposition, newly coalesced for what it called a do-or-die moment as Mr. Modi increasingly tilted the playing field, found a way to use the cult of personality around him to its advantage.

Opposition leaders focused on bread-and-butter issues, often at granular levels in particular constituencies. They hammered Mr. Modi over persistent unemployment and stark inequality. But the B.J.P., with Mr. Modi from on high its only spokesman, was often left with just one answer: Trust in “Modi’s guarantee.”

“The ‘Modi’s guarantee’ slogan turned out to be our undoing,” said Ajay Singh Gaur, a B.J.P. worker who had campaigned in the party stronghold of Uttar Pradesh, the northern state where Mr. Modi suffered his biggest blow on Tuesday, losing nearly half of the B.J.P. seats.

“The opposition made that sound like this was not about him having delivered, or trying to deliver,” Mr. Gaur said, “but about him being an arrogant politician.”

Mr. Modi gave his adversaries a lot to work with, even declaring that he may not be “biological” and that he had been sent by God.

He has still emerged better so far than other Indian leaders who deeply centralized power. He remains in control of levers of power that could help him and his party restore their dominance. Indira Gandhi, who had also glorified herself and went so far as to suspend India’s democracy after declaring a national emergency, was voted out at the peak of her powers before returning three years later.

But Mr. Modi’s B.J.P., the world’s largest political party, finds itself in a tough spot after years of centralization and reliance on a government machinery put to the service of one man, analysts say. The huge advantage the party has built in numbers and resources is undercut by a lack of internal consultation and delegation of authority.

That was a key reason for its failure in Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state, with 240 million people, and surrounding states. Local B.J.P. leaders were disenchanted by a top-down approach toward choosing candidates, as well as what they called a misguided belief that Mr. Modi’s popularity could allow the party to sidestep potent local issues and caste factors.

With Mr. Modi sucking up all the oxygen at the top, other senior leaders of the party have been left to fight for relevance and a voice. His relentless self-promotion has also alienated the leaders of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh, or R.S.S., the B.J.P.’s right-wing fountainhead.

During election seasons, the R.S.S. activates its vast grass-roots network in support of B.J.P. candidates. While Mr. Modi, a former foot soldier in the organization, has advanced many of its goals, his consolidation of power goes against its regimented nature and its focus on ideology over individual personalities.

One R.S.S. insider, speaking on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal thinking, said that Mr. Modi’s exalting of himself had created such resentment inside the group that some of its leaders welcomed any sort of reality check for him, short of his ouster.

Sudheendra Kulkarni, a political analyst who served as an aide to the first B.J.P. prime minister in the 1990s, said Mr. Modi had pushed through unpopular legislation — in particular farm laws that prompted a yearlong protest that choked New Delhi — without consulting with party officials in the affected states. They were left to cope with the ramifications.

“The B.J.P. was never a one-leader party,” Mr. Kulkarni said. “All that changed with Narendra Modi in 2014. He sought to promote a new authoritarian idea of one nation, one leader.”

Hypothesizing that Mr. Modi’s popularity had peaked, the opposition saw an opening to go after a decisive section of votes in the Indian political formula.

For decades before his rise in 2014, neither the B.J.P. nor the Indian National Congress, the country’s two largest parties, could muster majorities on its own. Mr. Modi expanded his party’s backing by consolidating right-wing Hindu voters and drawing in new supporters with his personal story of a humble caste and economic background and a promise to change lives through robust development.

A decade later, in this year’s election, the opposition found traction in painting a very different picture of Mr. Modi — as an autocratic friend of billionaires. Since Mr. Modi had achieved everything he had set out to do, the opposition argued, his pursuit of a resounding majority could only mean that he would seek radical change to the Constitution.

That claim stirred anxiety among India’s Dalits and other underprivileged groups, who see the Constitution as their only protection in a deeply unequal society, guaranteeing them a share of government jobs and seats in higher education as well as elected bodies. The opposition was able to push the message harder when some in Mr. Modi’s right-wing support base, long seen as having an upper-caste bias, called for revoking the quotas.

Caste identity was a major driving factor for voters in many states, particularly in Uttar Pradesh, with its 80 parliamentary seats. The decline of a Dalit party in the state meant that about 20 percent of the votes were potentially up for grabs.

In Ayodhya, the constituency where Mr. Modi inaugurated a grand Ram temple earlier this year in an effort to consolidate his Hindu support base, the opposition put up a Dalit candidate. He handily defeated the B.J.P.’s two-term incumbent.

In other cases, voters showed their anger over the B.J.P.’s perceived sense of impunity. In Kheri, a constituency where the son of a B.J.P. minister rammed his S.U.V. into a crowd of protesting farmers, killing several, the minister also lost.

Mr. Modi’s election campaign took its most divisive turn in Banswara, in the desert state of Rajasthan, where he called India’s 200 million Muslims “infiltrators” and raised fears that the opposition would give them India’s wealth, including Hindu women’s necklaces.

Banswara’s B.J.P. incumbent was routed in the election. While the loss was most likely attributable to local issues, the national discussion noted that Mr. Modi’s comments had not helped.

In his own constituency of Varanasi, in Uttar Pradesh, Mr. Modi’s winning margin of nearly half a million votes in 2019 shrank to about 150,000 — a disappointing showing after he had dispatched some of the B.J.P.’s most senior leaders to camp out there to help him achieve an even bigger victory.

Jai Prakash, a tea and samosa seller in Varanasi, said some of the prime minister’s work, particularly his improvement of roads, was popular. But Mr. Modi was losing the plot, Mr. Prakash said, by turning to issues disconnected from people’s day-to-day lives.

“Prices are skyrocketing; so is unemployment,” Mr. Prakash said. “He has done some good. But people cannot worship him endlessly.”
The New Kingmakers Who Could Make or Break Modi’s Government (New York Times)
New York Times [6/5/2024 4:14 PM, Victoria Kim and Pragati K.B., 831K, Neutral]
After his first two national election victories, Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India easily set his own terms, with his Bharatiya Janata Party winning clear majorities.

The result was different in this vote. It was still a victory, but one that left him dependent on a host of coalition partners — particularly on politicians from two regional parties who could make or break Mr. Modi’s ability to form a government.

Of the more than a dozen parties that make up the B.J.P.’s coalition, known as the National Democratic Alliance, most won just one or two seats, leaving the party in a difficult predicament.

On Wednesday, the B.J.P. said it had reached an agreement to form a coalition government that includes those two regional parties — the Telugu Desam Party and Janata Dal-United. They will be the biggest junior partners, but they are also avowedly secular and removed from Mr. Modi’s Hindu-nationalist ideology.

Cameras on Wednesday followed every word, meeting and movement of the leaders of the two parties, N. Chandrababu Naidu of the Telugu Desam Party, and Nitish Kumar of Janata Dal-United. Their combined 28 seats in Parliament will give the prime minister the votes he needs to stay in power and push through his agenda.

Here is what to know about the men who unexpectedly found themselves as kingmakers, and about the parties they lead.

Their parties don’t share Mr. Modi’s Hindu-first agenda.

Though some of the members of the B.J.P.’s coalition this year share Mr. Modi’s hard-line vision, both the Telugu Desam Party and Janata Dal-United are moderate, secular parties that have a diverse support base.

Speculation in India was focusing on what terms the men were demanding for their support, which are unlikely to be rooted in ideology. Both Mr. Naidu and Mr. Kumar are known to be pragmatic, deal-making politicians whose priorities will be practical concessions for their state, or perhaps cabinet positions.

They have a history of shifting alliances.
Mr. Kumar has earned a reputation in India for his willingness to switch allegiances over the past decade. He has gone between aligning himself with the B.J.P.-led coalition to supporting its rivals no fewer than five times.

Most recently, in January, he returned to Mr. Modi’s alliance just 18 months after he’d left it and with just months to go until the election. He has said his switching of political loyalties was in the interest of his state, Bihar.

Mr. Naidu has also at times broken with Mr. Modi, cutting ties with the B.J.P. in 2018 and joining forces with its chief rival, Indian National Congress, ahead of the 2019 elections. He has said that his party has aligned with the B.J.P. out of “political compulsion.”

They are longtime survivors of a tough political scene.
Mr. Naidu and Mr. Kumar have both been in politics for decades, and have been mentioned as potential candidates for prime minister.

Mr. Naidu of the T.D.P., based in the southern state of Andhra Pradesh, is a technocrat who has aggressively pushed for investment from information technology companies in his region. His policies helped bring high-paying jobs for I.T. professionals and transformed the city of Hyderabad.

Mr. Kumar is a nine-time chief minister of Bihar, India’s poorest state, who comes from a homegrown socialist background. He has pushed for more funds for low-caste Hindus, and his alliance with the B.J.P. broadened support for the party in his state.
India’s low-caste voters humbled its powerful prime minister (Washington Post)
Washington Post [6/5/2024 11:55 AM, Karishma Mehrotra and Gerry Shih, 54755K, Neutral]
Long before shock election results released this week eroded Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s political mandate, the seeds of discontent were planted in the poor, zigzagging alleys housing Indians at the foot of society.

Months ago, upper-caste members of Modi’s party boasted they would gain so much political power that they would amend India’s constitution to remove affirmative action, said villager Yogendra Kumar. There was another problem, Yogendra’s friend Nikul Kumar added: Modi never delivered jobs to the poor or kept inflation in check.

Yogendra and Nikul Kumar are Dalits, formerly known as untouchables, and part of the crucial voter bloc that delivered the biggest surprise this week: low-caste Hindus in the Hindi-speaking heartland who unexpectedly rebelled against Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party. While the BJP won the most parliamentary seats, it fell well short of securing the majority needed to form a government.

In a bruising campaign over the past seven weeks, Modi often appealed to religion, portraying himself as a champion of Hindus anointed by God and denouncing Muslims as “infiltrators.” But ultimately, according to political analysts, the election was decided along the fault lines of caste and class.

In the key state of Uttar Pradesh, where Modi had inaugurated a massive temple in January in an effort to consolidate the Hindu vote, many low-caste Hindus voted in a similar fashion as Muslims, another group that has been dissatisfied with Modi’s rule. Ultimately, the state that played an outsize role in propelling Modi to victory in 2014 and 2019 delivered the majority of its 80 seats to the opposition.

“Those who were betting on a vote along Hindu-Muslim lines have been shown that society realizes they are trying to separate us just so they can be in power,” Nikul Kumar, a tile maker, said in his modest living room. “The biggest weakness of BJP is it’s all about religion. If they do actual work for our education, then we can move up.”

Overall, Modi’s BJP won nearly the same proportion of votes as it did in its landslide victory five years ago, but the party suffered steep losses in the Hindi-speaking states, such as Uttar Pradesh, and its gains elsewhere in the country did not compensate for the seats lost. The opposition parties capitalized by coordinating much better than in the past, selecting candidates so that they did not split the vote. As a result, Modi failed to win a governing majority for the first time in his 23-year political career.

As of early Wednesday, it was not immediately clear what the future held for Modi or what the next government will look like. Because the BJP failed to win a majority in the Lok Sabha, the lower house, Modi will potentially have to offer concessions to two unpredictable allies in the National Democratic Alliance who lead smaller parties, Nitish Kumar and Chandrababu Naidu, to form a governing coalition.

Political analysts say Modi’s electoral setback partly reflects grievances rooted in the widening economic gulfs and challenges facing India, particularly since the pandemic. Entering the election, unemployment was running high at 8.1 percent, according to the Center for Monitoring Indian Economy. In March, a group of researchers, including the French economist Thomas Piketty, found that wealth inequality in India had worsened under Modi and reached a record level, surpassing that during British colonial times.

Throughout the campaign, Modi’s rivals seized on those grievances. The opposition Congress party released an election manifesto called a “Letter of Justice,” appealing to the poor, women and jobless youths. The Samajwadi party, a partner in the coalition led by the Congress party, focused on nominating candidates from lower-caste communities and tried to woo disadvantaged members of upper castes. The opposition leaders slammed Modi for his failure to deliver jobs and accused him of allying with two leading Indian billionaires, Mukesh Ambani and Gautam Adani, instead of propping up small businesses and ordinary workers.

Opposition leaders also warned that if the Hindu-nationalist BJP and its allies won a landslide of 400 parliamentary seats, as Modi had predicted, the government might amend the constitution to eliminate guaranteed affirmative action for Dalits and revoke the secular nature of the Indian republic. Both prospects have long been mooted by some BJP officials. At every rally, Rahul Gandhi, the Congress leader, waved a pocket-size copy of the Indian constitution.

Modi, for his part, repeatedly warned poor Hindu voters that the Congress party would redistribute wealth by taking away their buffaloes and wedding jewelry and giving them to Muslims. He declared that instead of supporting him, India’s top two billionaires were providing corrupt opposition candidates with vans stuffed with ill-gotten cash.

Modi’s aides said he gave 80 interviews to television and print media through the campaign. Almost all were friendly outlets, and almost none veered into uncomfortable questions about unemployment or inflation. But once, during a May 16 television interview, Modi faced a rare question about inequality reaching historic extremes and reacted sharply. “What should I do?” he said. “So should everybody be poor?”

In the end, the economic considerations outweighed religious loyalties, analysts say. In Uttar Pradesh — which is composed of 20 percent Dalits, 40 percent other lower-caste voters and 20 percent Muslims — the number of parliamentary seats won by the BJP fell from 62 in 2019 to 33 this year.

“The BJP tried to win by religious polarization, but they forgot the other reasons that used to make them popular in previous elections,” said Gilles Verniers, a visiting professor at Amherst College. “There was a current of discontent about cost of living, joblessness that was not addressed or willfully ignored. There was an exhaustion of religious nationalism, and all of a sudden, economic distress matters.”

One of the unexpected results in Uttar Pradesh came in Ayodhya, the site of the Ram Temple, built on the ruins of a historic mosque. Modi consecrated the temple in an extravagant religious ceremony in January and made its construction a key part of his pitch to Hindu voters. The BJP lost the local seat to Awadhesh Prasad, a Dalit candidate who had promised to resettle local residents and business owners who were relocated to make way for the temple’s construction.

Another voting district that went to the opposition was the one that included Yogendra and Nikul’s Dhampur village. On Tuesday, the district elected Chandrashekhar Azad, a flamboyant Dalit leader who often wears aviator sunglasses, sports a trademark curled mustache and refers to himself as Ravan — a figure in Hindu mythology who is the enemy of Lord Ram, a god revered by Hindus.

A day after his election win, Azad took a break from distributing balls of sugary flour to well-wishers who had lined up outside his simple bedroom to say that the BJP was brought down by its hubris. He explained that his campaign team and the rest of the opposition convinced many local voters about the danger of the BJP reaching 400 seats and changing the Indian constitution, which was written by the revered Dalit lawyer B.R. Ambedkar.

“We told people to vote to save the constitution,” Azad said. “In Uttar Pradesh, lower-caste society decided to stop the BJP.”
India’s Election Proves Many Wrong About Modi (Wall Street Journal)
Wall Street Journal [6/5/2024 10:27 AM, Jon Sindreu, 810K, Neutral]
For advocates and critics of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s economic agenda, India’s general election dropped a few truth bombs.

As the results came in Tuesday, showing that Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party will lose its parliamentary majority, the BSE Sensex fell roughly 6%—its worst day in four years.

The drop in part reflected lofty stock valuations. India has been a magnet for global investors in recent years, thanks to its breakneck pace of economic growth and China’s economic and geopolitical problems. When the polls predicting a huge majority for Modi turned out to be wrong, they reacted in shock.

Still, Indian stocks bounced back about 3% Wednesday, suggesting that they are getting over the initial upset. Though the BJP’s 240 seats fall short of the 303 it won in 2019, together with its conservative market-friendly allies, the National Democratic Alliance, it comfortably ranks above the 272 required to form a majority.

The first big takeaway from the election is that Modi is no longer invincible. If his new government fails to hold a line, memories of India’s fragile coalition politics of the 1990s may weigh on markets.

For example, Modi could struggle to pass land and labor reforms aimed at promoting manufacturing, which have already been stumbling blocks in the past. He will likely also face pressure to shift some of the attention he has paid to infrastructure and investment toward social programs. India’s labor market is weaker than it might seem, especially among the youth, with many unemployed workers returning to low-productivity agriculture.

Such problems help explain why Modi’s policies have many critics. They bemoan a two-track economy that leaves a chunk of the population dependent on the government’s “free food grains” program.

The election result underlines the point. The conservative parties’ losses were concentrated in seats with more disadvantaged socioeconomic groups and rural areas. A crucial example is Uttar Pradesh, India’s most populous state, where Modi’s Hindu nationalism—and anti-Muslim rhetoric—was supposed to resonate most loudly.

Some economists even argue that the country’s gross domestic product, which expanded a whopping 7.8% in the first quarter, is exaggerated by misleadingly low inflation calculations.

But there are also positive lessons for investors in the shock election result. Above all, it challenges the idea, popular among many analysts, that democracy in the country is under serious threat as a result of Modi’s authoritarianism and nationalist politics. It turns out that those left behind by his economic development drive are perfectly able to make themselves heard.

Given this, the substantial support Modi still attracts belies the notion that India’s recent development spurt is just an illusion spun by government propaganda.

The country’s boom in capital expenditures, which now amount to more than a third of GDP, has refurbished shabby infrastructure and made transport logistics competitive. This, in turn, is laying the groundwork for a manufacturing revival and the creation of technology hubs, as Apple’s recent big bet to expand production in India shows. The relocation of supply chains from China and policies to subsidize local production, promote foreign investment and restrict imports of certain electronics are also big factors in this recent success.

Are gains more concentrated on a smaller number of skilled workers than they would be with a strategy to give priority to labor-intensive sectors and private consumption? Yes, but almost no country has ever become rich doing that.

Ultimately, long-term dividends will depend on India’s ability to follow the trail blazed by China and the Asian Tigers, which have learned to make increasingly complex tradable products. This doesn’t mean copying it exactly: India can’t hope to match the industrial prowess of its Eastern neighbors. But it has rightly leaned on services exports as a strength, and it benefits from much more favorable demographics.

Modi faces a tougher political balancing act than before and stock valuations have a lot riding on his success. Yet the Indian growth story remains a compelling one.
Modi set to take oath for the third time on June 8 as allies pledge support (Reuters)
Reuters [6/5/2024 3:00 PM, Rishika Sadam, Sarita Chaganti Singh, and Manoj Kumar, 44457K, Neutral]
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s National Democratic Alliance (NDA) formally named him on Wednesday to lead a new coalition government for a third straight term, a day after it regained power with a surprisingly slim majority.

Modi, a populist who has dominated Indian politics since 2014, will for the first time head a government dependent on the support of regional allies whose loyalties have wavered over time, which could complicate the new cabinet’s reform agenda.

A day after the humbling election outcome for his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), following a strong performance by the opposition ‘INDIA’ bloc, Modi’s 15 alliance partners met at his New Delhi residence and named him as their leader.

The BJP-led NDA won 293 seats in the 543-member lower house of parliament, more than the simple majority of 272 seats needed to form a government. The INDIA alliance led by Rahul Gandhi’s centrist Congress party won 230 seats, more than forecast.

Modi was set to meet President Droupadi Murmu on Friday to present his claim to form a government and the swearing-in could take place over the weekend, an NDA leader said on condition of anonymity because he was not authorised to speak to the media.

Local media earlier reported that the swearing-in ceremony was scheduled for Saturday.
Separately, leaders of the INDIA alliance that comprises over two dozen parties also met at the residence of Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge in Delhi.

"The INDIA bloc will continue to fight against the fascist rule of the BJP, led by Modi," Kharge told reporters following the meeting. "We will take appropriate steps at the appropriate time to realise the people’s desire not to be ruled by the BJP’s government."

Modi’s BJP won 240 seats on its own, trimming its 2019 tally by over 60 seats, mostly in rural areas, which investors say could impact land and labour reforms that they had expected would unlock value and growth.

Ratings agency Fitch said: "Despite the slimmer majority, we do expect broad policy continuity to persist, with the government retaining its focus on its capex push, ease of doing business measures, and gradual fiscal consolidation."

The closer-than-expected election should increase the prospect of productive reforms, the country’s chief economic adviser said on Wednesday.

AURA DIMMED

Newspapers said Modi’s aura had dimmed, with the Indian Express’s banner headline reading: "India gives NDA a third term, Modi a message."

The BJP lost heavily in two bellwether states, its northern stronghold of Uttar Pradesh, which has 80 seats, and the western state of Maharashtra, which sends 48 members to the decision-making lower house of parliament.

The Congress alone won 99 seats nationally, almost double the 52 it won in 2019 - a surprise jump that is expected to boost Gandhi’s standing.

In the later stages of the election campaign Modi had sought to renew his appeal to India’s Hindu-majority, accusing the opposition of favouring minority Muslims.

But without a majority of its own, some policies of his BJP, such as common personal laws for all religions, opposed by some Muslims, will likely be put on the back burner, as Modi’s regional allies are seen more accommodating towards minorities.

Modi’s own victory in his seat of Varanasi, located in Uttar Pradesh and considered one of the holiest cities for Hindus, was subdued, with his margin of victory down from nearly 500,000 votes in 2019 to a little more than 150,000.

The result may not necessarily mean reform paralysis, the chairman of a government finance panel, Arvind Panagariya, wrote in an article in the Economic Times newspaper.

"Despite the reduced majority in parliament, the necessary reforms are entirely feasible. Delivering sustained growth at a accelerated pace can only strengthen the government’s hand in the coming years," he wrote.
Rahul Gandhi, Long on the Ropes, Looks Set for an Unexpected Comeback (New York Times)
New York Times [6/5/2024 4:14 PM, Sameer Yasir, 831K, Neutral]
Just last year, Rahul Gandhi and the once-powerful party he led, the Indian National Congress, seemed to be on the ropes and little threat to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s consolidation of political power.

Congress had not been a competitive factor in national elections in years, winning fewer and fewer votes each time Mr. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party was elected. And Mr. Gandhi himself had been convicted on a slander charge and barred from holding a seat in Parliament.

But on Tuesday, Mr. Gandhi and a broad opposition coalition led by his Congress party registered a far stronger showing than expected in India’s elections, setting the stage for an unlikely comeback.

“He has finally arrived,” said Rasheed Kidwai, a fellow at the Observer Research Foundation, a think tank in New Delhi. “This time he has improved his vote share by at least 17 million votes, which is very substantial.”

On Wednesday, Mr. Modi’s party announced that it had reached an agreement to form a governing coalition, including two parties that do not necessarily share its vision. Congress won 99 seats in the 543-seat Parliament, a gain of 47 seats, and the alliance of which it is the leading part won a total of 232.

Congress and its alliance of over two dozen political groups have presented the results as a “moral victory” over a B.J.P. government that they say was trying to change the country’s Constitution and have portrayed as anathema to India’s identity as a multifaith and secular country.

“The fight was to save the Constitution,” Mr. Gandhi, the son, grandson and great-grandson of Congress prime ministers, said as the results poured in.

The first major sign that Congress might be able to contend came in May 2023, just a couple of months after Mr. Gandhi’s conviction for slander, when his party won the state government of Karnataka, in the south of India, from the B.J.P.

The lift was temporary; Congress soon lost power in three states it governed to the B.J.P.

But at the same time, political experts say, Mr. Gandhi was pushing for changes within the party, India’s oldest, which had long resisted overhauling an archaic organizational structure that kept its top leaders isolated from the grass-roots workers who deliver votes.

Feelings that Congress’s leaders were corrupt and out of touch resulted in a string of defeats over a number of years and then degenerated into messy infighting within the party.

For the past two years, party members say, Mr. Gandhi has tried to reverse the decline of Congress by surrounding himself with young policy analysts to help him understand the challenges facing India, as well as party veterans with their ears to the ground in towns and villages that Congress was targeting. The party has in addition improved its social media game, trumpeting its messages on platforms like WhatsApp and YouTube.

Mr. Gandhi also raised his profile by embarking on two walks across India — meeting farmers in their fields and vegetable sellers on city streets; and drinking tea with recent graduates and gig workers — in an effort to show common cause with ordinary people.

Perhaps most important, Congress focused on a strategy of reaching out to and cooperating with key regional players across the country whose influence had dimmed under B.J.P. rule.

Congress leaders made a series of “seat-sharing” agreements with regional leaders, big and small, that strengthened the alliance against Mr. Modi’s party. To avoid splitting the anti-B.J.P. vote, Congress had its own candidates contest fewer seats. And Mr. Gandhi campaigned vigorously alongside the leaders of like-minded political groups across India.

Throughout the campaign, Mr. Gandhi also won support, party leaders say, by characterizing Mr. Modi as a leader who would destroy India’s secular character.

“It is a victory not just for him and our alliance partners but for the millions of poor Indians who voted to protect the secular fabric of this country,” said Srinivas B.V., another Congress leader, about Mr. Gandhi. “People showed Modi: ‘You are not God, and you can be replaced.’”

Since being voted to power in 2014, Mr. Modi has sought to position Hinduism, the religion of some 80 percent of Indians, at the center of the country’s official identity. He also promised to end corruption, overhaul the economy and help India become a “developed nation” by 2047. But after his re-election in 2019, he leaned into Hindu themes to a greater extent.

Mr. Gandhi’s efforts to contrast his vision for India with Mr. Modi’s largely paid off, analysts say, even if some members of his party jumped ship and sided with the B.J.P.

Many of the politicians who defected from Congress to the B.J.P. lost their seats, including in West Bengal and Maharashtra, where Congress and its partners did especially well.

Throughout the campaign Mr. Gandhi persistently linked Mr. Modi with Gautam Adani, Asia’s richest man, saying the prime minister was working for his tycoon friends, not for the vast majority of Indians who are poor. As if to vindicate this line of attack, over the two days after the election results were announced, the price of Mr. Adani’s flagship stock fell by 14 percent. (It then recovered somewhat on Wednesday.)

“People directly correlate Adani Ji with Modi Ji — directly,” Mr. Gandhi told reporters after the results, using Hindi honorifics for the two men.

Researchers who traveled across India during the voting said Mr. Gandhi had beaten Mr. Modi on his own turf in many places by focusing on issues like the millions of Indians without jobs and the economic difficulties faced by farmers. He also accused the B.J.P. of governance failures and worked with local political groups fighting for social justice and for the empowerment of lower-caste Indians.

Uttar Pradesh, where Mr. Modi made dozens of visits to campaign for local candidates, is one state where the changing fortunes of the two largest political groupings was evident.

The state is India’s largest, and accounts for 80 of the Parliament’s 543 seats. The B.J.P. recorded its worst performance there since 2009, in part because Mr. Gandhi was able to craft an alliance with a powerful local leader, Akhilesh Yadav.

In addition to the 37 seats picked up by Mr. Yadav’s Samajwadi Party, Congress won six, helped by aggressive campaigning by Mr. Gandhi’s sister, Priyanka Vadra, who helped defeat a former soap-opera actress who had served as a minister in Mr. Modi’s government. The B.J.P. won 33 seats, down from 62 in the previous Parliament.

The election results announced on Wednesday have given a major lift to hundreds of thousands of Congress workers across the country, who were growing tired of the internal infighting that has plagued their party for years.

Outside Congress headquarters in New Delhi, Bansi Lal Meena, a veteran Congress member from the state of Rajasthan, was exultant about his party’s performance.

“In villages and on the ground, the B.J.P. spread lies for years against us — saying that we are anti-Hindu,” he said. “They used my religion as a weapon against me to win votes.”

He added: “We will show them now because our people are also in Parliament.”
India´s opposition, written off as too weak, makes a stunning comeback to slow Modi’s juggernaut (AP)
AP [6/5/2024 11:07 PM, Sheikh Saaliq and Krutika Pathi, 85570K, Neutral]
India’s bruised and battered opposition was largely written off in the lead-up to the national election as too weak and fragmented to take on Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his powerful Hindu nationalist governing party.

It scored a stunning comeback, slowing the Modi juggernaut and pushing his Bharatiya Janata Party well below the majority mark. It’s unchartered territory for the populist prime minister, who needs the help of his allies to stay in power. That could significantly change his governance style after he enjoyed a commanding majority in Parliament for a decade.

The election results released Wednesday also marked a revival for the main opposition Congress party and its allies, who defied predictions of decline and made deep inroads into governing party strongholds, resetting India’s political landscape. The opposition won a total of 232 seats out of 543, doubling its strength from the last election.

“The opposition has proved to be tremendously resilient and shown courage of conviction. In many ways it has saved India’s democracy and shown Modi that he can be challenged — and even humbled by denting his image of electoral invincibility,” said journalist and political analyst Rasheed Kidwai.

The unwieldy grouping of more than two dozen opposition parties, called INDIA, was formed last year. Beset with ideological differences and personality clashes, what glued them together was a shared perceived threat: what they call Modi’s tightening grip on India’s democratic institutions and Parliament, and his strident Hindu nationalism that has targeted the country’s minorities, particularly Muslims.

The election battle is between “Narendra Modi and INDIA, his ideology and INDIA,” the alliance’s campaign face, Rahul Gandhi, said at an opposition meeting last year.

Gandhi, heir to India’s Nehru-Gandhi dynasty, has long been mocked by Modi, his party and his supporters as a beneficiary of dynastic politics. Gandhi’s father, grandmother and great-grandfather were all prime ministers.

Under his leadership, the Congress party was reduced to a paltry 52 seats in 2019 when Modi romped to victory in a landslide win. And last year he was expelled from Parliament due to a defamation case after Modi’s party accused him of mocking the prime minister’s surname. (He was later returned to his seat by India’s top court.)

But ahead of the 2024 election, Gandhi went through a transformation — he embarked on two cross-country marches against what he called Modi’s politics of hate, re-energizing his party’s members and rehabilitating his image.

During the election campaign, he, along with other opposition leaders, sought to galvanize voters on issues such as high unemployment, growing inequality and economic and social injustice, while targeting Modi over his polarizing campaign and anti-Muslim rhetoric.

“They certainly gained significant momentum through the course of the campaign, to the point where the opposition agendas became the agenda points of this election,” said Yamini Aiyar, a public policy scholar.

The election results showed his messaging worked with the voters, as his party made substantial gains in BJP-governed states such as Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan, Haryana and Maharashtra by tapping into economic stress. It won 99 seats across India.

“Rahul Gandhi has emerged as a strong national leader and that should worry Modi,” Kidwai said.

The opposition proved even more successful in a Modi party bastion where it flipped the largest number of seats: Uttar Pradesh, which sends the most lawmakers of any state — 80 — to Parliament.

Long considered the biggest prize in Indian elections, the opposition clinched a staggering 44 parliamentary seats in the state, with the regional Samajwadi Party winning a whopping 37, leaving Modi’s party with less than half of the seats. In the 2019 election, the BJP won 62 seats in the state.

The opposition also managed to wrest away BJP’s seat in Ayodhya city, a deeply symbolic loss for Modi’s party after the prime minister opened a controversial grand Hindu temple on the site of a razed mosque there in January. The opening of the temple dedicated to Lord Ram, at which Modi performed rituals, marked the unofficial start of his election campaign, with his party hoping it would resonate with the Hindu majority and bring more voters into its fold.

“The BJP lost because its leadership did not have its ears to the ground. They believed that the issue of the Ram Temple would secure their victory, but they overlooked important issues like jobs and inflation,” said political analyst Amarnath Agarwal.

A strong showing by the Trinamool Congress in West Bengal and the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam party in Tamil Nadu further boosted the opposition’s numbers, denying Modi the supermajority he hoped for after exhibiting confidence his alliance would take 400 seats.

It also meant that the regional parties, once relegated to the margins after Modi’s dominating wins in 2014 and 2019, will acquire a greater political space in Indian politics.

“It also gives a lot of power back to the states,” said Milan Vaishnav, director of the South Asia Program at the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace. “We’ve seen a lot of centralization in the hands of the executive, in the hands of the Prime Minister’s Office specifically.”

The opposition’s surprise gains came against the backdrop of what it calls Modi’s intensified political crackdown against them.

Modi and his government have increasingly wielded strong-arm tactics to subdue political opponents. In the run-up to the election, opposition leaders and parties faced a slew of legal and financial challenges. The chief ministers of two opposition-controlled states were thrown in jail and the bank accounts of the Congress party were temporarily frozen.

Aiyar, the public policy scholar, said the opposition was able to “palpably catch on to signs of discontentment” even as it faced “fairly significant constraints of their own.”

“This was certainly not a level playing field at the start of the election,” she said.

As election results showed the opposition doing better than expected on Tuesday, a beaming Gandhi pulled out a red-jacketed copy of India’s Constitution that he had displayed on the campaign trail and said his alliance’s performance was the “first step in its fight” to save the charter.

“India’s poorest stood up to save the Constitution,” he said.
China-India Name War Intensifies in the Himalayas (The Diplomat)
The Diplomat [6/5/2024 10:03 AM, Subir Bhaumik and Pratyusha Mukherjee, 1156K, Neutral]
India has started a tit-for-tat nomenclature offensive to counter China’s renaming of places in India’s Arunachal Pradesh state. New Delhi plans to rename more than two dozens places in China’s Tibet Autonomous Region.

The Diplomat has seen a complete list of the places to be renamed, provided by Indian military sources. The list is expected to be released soon after a new government takes power in Delhi next week, after the results of the seven-phase election to the national Parliament were announced on June 4.

“Prime Minister Modi has sought to win these polls on the strength of his strongman image. It is natural he will authorize the renaming of Tibetan places to live up to that image,” said former Intelligence Bureau officer Benu Ghosh, who has followed China and the border issue with India for decades.

New Delhi suspects that China’s renaming of places in Arunachal Pradesh is aimed at strengthening Beijing’s territorial claim on the largest province in northeastern India, which China chooses to call Zangnan or “southern Tibet.”

The Indian Army’s information warfare division is behind this renaming of Tibetan places. It has also been debunking the Chinese names by conducting extensive research with support from top research institutes like the British-era Asiatic Society based in Kolkata.

Detailed tweets by the army circulated under its logo have challenged the Chinese renaming of the seven places in Arunachal Pradesh and efforts are on to counter each of the 30-odd places renamed by the Chinese government.

Now India’s military has also finalized a list of 30-plus places in Tibet to be given new names, reclaiming from historical records their ancient names in Indian languages. This list, sources say, will soon be made public through media as part of a global campaign to offer a strong counter-narrative to Chinese claims on India’s Arunachal Pradesh state and other parts of the disputed border. The renaming of places in Tibet will be used as tit-for-tat to respond to Chinese claims on Arunachal Pradesh.

The new names are backed by extensive historical research, military officials said, speaking on condition of strict anonymity.

“As and when that [the renaming campaign] happens, it will be tantamount to India reopening the Tibetan question,” said Ghosh. “India has accepted Tibet as part of China since it was forcibly occupied by Beijing, but now [the] Modi government seems prepared to change course to deflate the Chinese cartographical and nomenclature aggression.”

The Indian Army has in recent weeks organized lots of media trips to these disputed border areas. Journalists were brought to speak to locals who fiercely oppose Chinese claims and say they were always part of India.

“The ultimate target is to push through the Indian counter-narrative on the disputed border through regional and global media, anchored on both solid historical research and local residents’ vox pops,” said an officer involved in the campaign, who asked not to be identified.

In what is seen as a bid to assert its claim on Arunachal Pradesh, in March China renamed 30 places along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in India’s northeastern state. The Chinese Ministry of Civil Affairs, responsible for the establishment and naming of administrative divisions, released the fourth list of “standardized” geographical names in Arunachal Pradesh, which Beijing calls Zangnan, according to the South China Morning Post, a Hong Kong-based daily.

The list of places renamed by China includes 11 residential areas, 12 mountains, four rivers, one lake, one mountain pass, and a piece of land. The names are given in Chinese characters, Tibetan, and pinyin, the Roman alphabet version of Mandarin Chinese.

“In accordance with the relevant provisions of the State Council [China’s cabinet] on the management of geographical names, we in conjunction with the relevant departments have standardized some of the geographical names in Zangnan of China,” South China Morning Post quoted the ministry as saying.

This is the fourth time China has unilaterally renamed places in Arunachal Pradesh. Beijing released the first list of the so-called standardized names of six places in Arunachal Pradesh in 2017, the second list of 15 places in 2021, and a third list with names for 11 places in 2023. The fourth list contains almost as many new place names as the previous three combined.

India has repeatedly rejected China’s move to rename places in Arunachal Pradesh, asserting that the state is an integral part of the country and assigning “invented” names does not alter this reality.

In 2023, then-External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Arindam Bagchi said: “We have seen such reports. This is not the first time China has made such an attempt. We reject this outright.”

He added, “Arunachal Pradesh is, has been, and will always be an integral and inalienable part of India. Attempts to assign invented names will not alter this reality.”

The latest round of efforts by China to reassert its claims over the state started with Beijing lodging a diplomatic protest with India over Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s March 2024 visit to Arunachal Pradesh, where he dedicated the Sela Tunnel built at an altitude of 13,000 feet.

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar on March 23 dismissed China’s repeated claims on Arunachal Pradesh as “ludicrous” and stressed that the frontier state was a “natural part of India.”

“This is not a new issue. I mean, China has laid claim, it has expanded its claim. The claims are ludicrous to begin with and remain ludicrous today,” he said in response to a question on the Arunachal issue after delivering a lecture at the prestigious Institute of South Asian Studies of the National University of Singapore.

“So, I think we’ve been very clear, very consistent on this. And I think you know that is something which will be part of the boundary discussions which are taking place,” Jaishankar added.
India Keeps Its Glorious, Messy Tradition Alive (New York Times – opinion)
New York Times [6/5/2024 4:14 PM, Lydia Polgreen, 831K, Neutral]
Back in January, when Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India looked all but unstoppable, he visited the small city of Ayodhya for the unofficial start of his campaign to win a third term. The location was freighted with symbolism. For decades, Hindu nationalists had sought to build a temple in Ayodhya, at a spot they believe to be the birthplace of the Hindu god Ram. The only problem was that there was already a house of worship on the spot, a mosque built by a Mughal emperor in 1528. A Hindu mob had dismantled the mosque in 1992, setting off riots that killed 2,000 people, most of them Muslims. The ruins were a flashpoint of religious tensions in India for decades.

Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party promised to build the temple, and the lavish event at which Modi officially opened it was a showcase for that achievement. At the time it seemed like strong election-year messaging for a politician who built his career on the twin planks of Hindu nationalism and building a muscular new India. Unlike other politicians, the event implied, Modi made promises and kept them.

“It is the beginning of a new era,” he declared.

Feeling supremely confident, Modi had boldly asked the Indian electorate for something akin to a blank check to remake the country — control of 400 seats in Parliament in elections that began in April and concluded on June 1. And why shouldn’t he have been confident? India’s economy was the fastest-growing in the world. India had overtaken China as the world’s most-populous country. World leaders sought Modi’s support on issues ranging from the war in Ukraine to the climate crisis, cementing India’s ascent in global affairs.

But the ever unpredictable electorate of the world’s largest democracy responded to Modi’s demand for still more power resolutely: No thanks.

In a stunning rebuke, election results released on Tuesday showed that India’s voters have reduced the parliamentary share of Modi’s party by more than 60 seats, not enough for an outright majority, never mind the supermajority he had sought.

It struck me as particularly apt that despite all the fanfare about the glorious new temple in Ayodhya, Modi’s party lost the city’s parliamentary seat to a political opposition that had been all but left for dead.

There appears to be a clear ceiling to the appeals to Hindu identity on its own. “We are very happy with the temple but people were fed up with the B.J.P.,” a local business leader, Rakesh Yadav, told Reuters. “People will not always fall for the caste or temple-mosque politics. They also want to see development.”

This is a big year for democracy, almost a referendum of sorts on the very idea. Dozens of countries are holding elections, representing roughly half of the world’s population. But authoritarianism has been on the march. The latest report from Freedom House found that by many measures, global freedom has declined for the 18th straight year.

India, despite its status as the world’s most-populous democracy, has been a poster child for this decline under Modi: His government has taken aim at just about every form of freedom. He has attacked and grievously weakened the independence of India’s once boisterous press. He has jailed critics and political opponents. He has sharpened religious animosity, referring during this campaign to Muslims, who make up 14 percent of India’s population, as “infiltrators” who seek to steal wealth and power from the Hindu majority. It’s an Indian edition of the nationalist, populist playbook playing out around the world.

That a newly unified opposition managed to prevent Modi’s party from winning an outright majority under these conditions took everyone, including me, by surprise. And it suggests that even when would-be authoritarians attempt to tilt the playing field, voters can and will state their will, no matter the autocrat’s preferences.

“The B.J.P. had positioned itself as a new hegemonic power,” Yamini Aiyar, a scholar and analyst of Indian democracy who has been a frequent target of Hindu nationalist rage, told me. “The beauty of an election is that politicians have to go to the people, and the people get an opportunity to express their anxieties and their perspectives.”

Express them they did.

Looking back, the weakness of the B.J.P.’s re-election case is clear: Yes, India’s economy was growing fast. But despite the flashy new infrastructure projects and deals to increase high-tech manufacturing, the growth was not creating nearly enough jobs, and inflation remained stubbornly high, especially for food, which hits the poorest hardest. Much of the wealth generated by growth has gone to India’s richest tycoons, and inequality has soared.

“The reality is that the real economy has been hurting for a very long time and they have systematically sought to ignore it,” Aiyar said.

India has managed to lift millions of people out of poverty since Modi came to power 10 years ago, but particularly in rural areas, where most Indians live, that has meant social welfare rather than jobs.

There were other issues too — Modi’s allies had floated the idea of changing India’s Constitution in various ways, including removing its commitment to secularism and enshrining Hinduism as the national faith. These kinds of appeals have helped the B.J.P. in the past but seem to have had less power this time around. One clear sign was its heavy losses in Uttar Pradesh, which is not just India’s most populous state; it is also part of the heavily Hindu heartland of northern India.

It also seems that the opposition may finally have gotten its act together. India’s main opposition party, the Indian National Congress, has been in decline for years and had struggled to make common cause with other opposition parties in previous elections. But this year they managed to make a much stronger coalition and focused on kitchen-table issues and highlighted the Modi government’s ties to big business and high-flying billionaires.

The opposition didn’t shy away from making the stakes for Indian democracy clear. But the relentless focus on what voters said mattered most offers lessons for those battling revanchist movements elsewhere, including the United States. Sometimes you need to meet voters where they are.

This vote wasn’t a total rebuke of Modi and his policies. He is all but certain to get his third term as prime minister by making a coalition with allied parties. But it is a clear and salutary check on his authoritarian project.

This election is also a rebuke of Indian elites — in business and media especially — who had willingly surrendered to a kind of inevitability of Modi’s long-term consolidation of power, making peace with it or even celebrating it. Activists, analysts and journalists who had the temerity to speak plainly about Modi’s revanchist project, the threat he posed to the world’s biggest democracy and its long history of tolerance, secularism and free speech have been hounded out of public life. I hope that this troubling slide ends now.

As the results rolled in on Tuesday, I remembered my own reporting trip to Ayodhya in 2009, when I was a correspondent for The Times based in India. An explosive new government report had just been issued about the destruction of the mosque and the role of Hindu nationalist groups in stirring up violence.

But when I got there, I was surprised to find that on the hotly contested spot itself there was hardly any hoopla. The crowds of Hindu nationalist volunteers who for years had routinely shown up to build the temple with their bare hands had disappeared. India was going through a period of hopeful prosperity. Voters had just returned the Indian National Congress party and its allies to power with a larger majority, and a brilliant, teetotaling economist named Manmohan Singh was prime minister. With the future looking so alluring, no one seemed all that interested in litigating the past.

These hopes were ultimately dashed amid scandals over political corruption and mismanagement. The Congress party, which once seemed unstoppable, lost power in 2014 for failing to deliver on its promise to bring India to its long-awaited place among the world’s richest and most powerful nations.

The years ahead will, with any luck, be ones of negotiation and compromise. This will be a return to form for India, a vastly diverse nation whose unruly polity has resisted autocracy at every turn since it shrugged off British colonial rule in 1947. The whole world should breathe a sigh of relief that India’s voters have spoken, loudly, in favor of continuing that glorious, messy tradition.
In India, the voters have spoken. They do not want autocracy. (Washington Post – opinion)
Washington Post [6/5/2024 4:11 PM, Editorial Board, 54755K, Neutral]
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Hindu majoritarian project had seemed unstoppable — a juggernaut of authoritarianism and ethnic and religious hatred seeking total domination of the country’s politics. But in the past seven weeks, in an extraordinary outcome, the voters of India put the brakes on. When the vote tally was revealed Tuesday, India’s democracy looked to be in far better shape than anyone thought.

The key outcome of the balloting is that Mr. Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party will not become the sole power center in India for the next five years, as Mr. Modi had hoped and predicted. Mr. Modi and the BJP will lack a free hand for further repression of civil society, imprisonment of the opposition, infiltration and takeover of democratic institutions, and persecution of Muslims. Although Mr. Modi will surely not abandon his Hindu nationalist drive, now there will be stronger checks and balances, with a revived opposition and the necessity to compromise with coalition partners. For a world suffering a retreat from democracy seemingly everywhere, this is a remarkably positive turn of events, even better because it was directly at the hands of 640 million voters. It ranks with the recent rejection of an authoritarian regime in Poland as a bright spot in an otherwise dark period.

Mr. Modi had frequently predicted that the BJP and its alliance would claim over 400 seats in the 543-seat lower house of Parliament, the Lok Sabha, in which 272 is needed for a majority. But Mr. Modi’s party won only 240 seats, down 63 from five years ago, so it will have to negotiate a coalition to govern. The long-troubled opposition Indian National Congress led by Rahul Gandhi won 99 seats, a stunning increase of 47 from the last election; also pivotal were the victories of several regional parties.

Mr. Modi’s party was shellacked in the huge Uttar Pradesh state in the north, losing 29 seats, and also lost 14 seats in Maharashtra, home to the country’s business and finance capital, Mumbai. The BJP also lost the Ayodhya constituency in the north that houses the Hindu temple to Lord Ram that Mr. Modi inaugurated on the ruins of a Mughal-era mosque — a hugely symbolic defeat in a heavily Hindu district.

Certainly, voters were unhappy about unemployment, inflation and inequality, despite India’s overall economic growth. The results map also suggests a return to older patterns of regional voting that Mr. Modi had previously defied. But the vote was in protest of Mr. Modi’s autocratic and divisive ways, too. He has been drifting toward authoritarianism for years, but voters may have worried that, if given an absolute majority in Parliament, he would attempt to change the constitution to permanently disenfranchise some groups.

Before the voting, Mr. Modi encouraged a cult of personality around his leadership. He claimed that God sent him to rule India. When his mother was alive, he said, “I had believed that perhaps my birth was a biological one,” but “after her death, when I look at my life experiences, I’m convinced that God has sent me here.” In the period before the balloting, the Modi administration froze some of the opposition’s bank accounts, jailed leaders on corruption- and tax-related charges, and basked in laudatory coverage by media outlets controlled by Modi allies.

What’s more, under Mr. Modi, social media platforms were turned into conveyor belts for hate against India’s 200 million Muslims, as The Post reported in detail last year. During Mr. Modi’s Hindu nationalist rule, India has been racked by mob rule and the lynching and targeting of Muslims and Christians. While campaigning, Mr. Modi unabashedly vilified Muslims with dark warnings that they were going to somehow steal the nation’s wealth. Overall, there were valid fears within India and abroad that Mr. Modi’s rise meant the death knell of truly competitive politics in the world’s largest democracy. Fortunately, that prospect has been dampened if not blocked by the election outcome.

Elections are vital, but still are only one gear in the larger clockwork of a working democracy. Just as important is what happens in between the elections: the activity of civil society and the rule of law, the building of institutions, and the encouragement of tolerance. It is unclear how Mr. Modi will react to this setback and whether he will continue his firebrand Hindu nationalism. But now, at least, there are others empowered to stand up to his worst excesses, to prevent him from unchallenged domination and to return India to the best kind of democracy — one where competition thrives.
A setback for Modi is a silver lining for India’s Muslims (Washington Post – opinion)
Washington Post [6/5/2024 6:00 PM, Rana Ayyub, 54755K, Neutral]
On June 3, the day before India’s election results were to be revealed, most Muslims went to bed worried about their future. The campaign had been like none they had seen before. In April, after India completed the first phase of polling, Prime Minister Narendra Modi gave a speech in Rajasthan that shocked even some of his own supporters.

He referred to Muslims as infiltrators, people who produce more children, who would take away the resources of the Hindu population. He and his party had uttered anti-Muslim dog whistles before, but this was a new extreme. Amit Shah, India’s home minister, said that if he came to power he would hang cow traders and smugglers who slaughter cows and hang them upside down.

Others among Modi’s cabinet ministers and top leaders invoked the specter of “love jihad” (Muslims marrying Hindus) and “land jihad” (land grabbing by Muslims in Hindu dominated areas across India). In another electoral video campaign by Modi’s Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Muslims were depicted as plunderers of India’s glorious past.

But on the morning of June 4, as the vote totals started coming in, the atmosphere shifted. I sat down with Javed Mohammad, a human rights activist who considers himself a bridge between local Muslims and the administration in Prayagraj in northern India. Mohammad was incarcerated for nearly two years before the judge found there was no evidence he committed a crime. There were seven others, including activists and students, at Mohammad’s house in Jamia Nagar, a Muslim neighborhood in Delhi home to important citizen movements.

As Mohammad checked the election commission website for the latest numbers from Uttar Pradesh, the northern bastion with 80 of the 543 seats in the lower house of India’s Parliament, he looked reassured. In Faizabad, home to the controversial new Ram temple and where close to 80 percent of the population is Hindu, voters chose a candidate from a secular socialist political party, the Samajwadi Party, over the nominee of Modi’s BJP.. In a generally surprising national election, this was among the biggest shocks. “Muslims in India have largely put their weight behind the INDIA alliance,” Mohammad said, referring to the Modi opposition, “because they believe that, eventually, secularism in India will prevail [over] parties that work on the basis of religion.”

On television, a news anchor said the election would not fulfill Modi’s hopes to win more than 400 seats in Parliament. A palpable sense of relief filled the room.

It isn’t as if the INDIA alliance represented Muslims well. They were grossly underrepresented in this election; the number of Muslims in Parliament — 22 — will be lowest since independence. Many in the room felt that the opposition was afraid to counter Modi’s anti-Muslim politics for fear of losing their Hindu base.

Nevertheless, a reduced majority for Modi and an increase in numbers for the INDIA alliance mean stronger checks on the prime minister’s majoritarian, anti-Muslim politics — especially because the opposition parties have promised to protect the Indian constitution.

“This election might give Modi a third term, but now his wings have been clipped,” Ali Javed, leader of a small policy think tank called Nous Network, said while seated next to Mohammad and holding his 2-month-old son on his lap. “He is at the mercy of coalition partners.”

This result, Javed said, gives Indian Muslims “a breathing space.”

Modi will now have 240 seats, many fewer than the halfway mark of 272. This is the first time in his political career, beginning as Gujarat’s chief minister, that he has not garnered a complete majority. After a campaign in which Modi claimed to be a divine incarnate, his myth of invincibility has been punctured.

Nadeem Khan, an Indian civil rights leader, whom I met with separately, attributed Modi’s reduced support to a concerted effort by Muslim organizations, especially in Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal, to make sure that Muslims voted as a bloc.

“There was despair and fear,” Khan said, “and we had to work on that and tell people that the only solution was to consolidate and cast their vote irrespective of the outcome.”

Modi tried to divide the Muslim community with his “Pasmanda outreach” – his bid to divide Muslims on lines of economic and social class, to blame upper-class Muslims for the woes of those who are marginalized.

“I think the move backfired,” Khan said, “because many of the Pasmandas include the cattle traders who have been victims of the hate crimes against Muslims, which was a consequence of hate speech by BJP and Hindu nationalist leaders.”

Muslims voted in large numbers in this election to protect their own rights and India’s constitution. In the Sambhal region of Uttar Pradesh, cases of voter suppression made headlines. Muslim voters said police officers forced them to leave a polling station. Videos of voters being beaten were widely shared with testimonies of those who were attacked by the police to stop them from voting.

Call it poetic justice: In Sambhal, the BJP was defeated by 120,000 votes.

The election surprise has made Muslims feel somewhat more comfortable about their future in India. “The ones who were till now scared of speaking up, consolidating their voices, fighting for their constitutional rights might now start doing it,” Khan said.

Ahmer Mohammad, a trader who lives in Shaheen Bagh in Delhi, told me he might pause looking for job opportunities in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait: “I wanted to move my family out of here. I wanted to give my children some dignity in their lives and not grow up like second-class citizens. If things get better, I might not have to move.”

Kashmir, the only Muslim majority state in India, recorded one of the highest voter turnouts in the past 20 years. It was what Kashmiris called “a vote to get themselves heard.” Notably, they elected a local politician, Engineer Rashid, who had been jailed by Modi in 2019 and ran while behind bars. (He is still in jail and will need a court permission to attend sessions of Parliament and his own swearing in.)

It might be too early for Muslims and other minorities in India to foresee a drastically new future. But they know their active participation has made a difference, and now their despair is giving way to a sense of optimism and belonging.
India’s Election Humbles Narendra Modi (Wall Street Journal – opinion)
Wall Street Journal [6/5/2024 2:07 PM, Sadanand Dhume, 810K, Neutral]
You might think that an almost-certain return to power for a third successive term after winning more than twice as many parliamentary seats as your nearest rival would be cause for celebration for any politician. Not if you’re Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi. True, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party and its allies are on track to form the next government. But by severely underperforming exit-poll predictions and his own hype, Mr. Modi appears diminished rather than exalted by this victory.

After counting 642 million votes, election officials reported that the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance had won 293 seats in the 543-seat lower house of Parliament. The BJP alone had won 240, a loss of 63 seats compared with the outgoing Parliament and well below the 272 seats needed for a single-party majority. The opposition Congress Party, which many pundits and pollsters had written off for months as a spent force, turned out its best performance in 15 years by winning 99 seats on its own. The Congress-led INDIA Alliance, a coalition of about two dozen parties, won 234 seats, by far the opposition’s best performance since Mr. Modi first rose to power in 2014.

For the BJP, disappointment stems from inflated expectations. On the campaign trail Mr. Modi boasted that the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance aimed to win more than 400 seats this year. He also claimed that he had been sent by God to serve India. A flurry of exit polls released a few days before vote counting predicted that the BJP and its allies would win 350 to 400 seats. Most predicted that the opposition alliance would win fewer than 170 seats.

On paper the election seemed to favor a landslide for the ruling party. Mr. Modi’s high approval rating—74% in May, according to Morning Consult—makes him one of the world’s most popular democratically elected leaders. High-profile temple inaugurations, including one to the Hindu deity Ram in the temple town of Ayodhya in January, were supposed to cement the prime minister’s support among the roughly 80% of Indians who are Hindu.

The BJP has many advantages over its rivals. After a decade as the ruling party, it enjoys a massive fundraising edge. Much of the media, especially Hindi news channels, have a strong pro-BJP tilt. Before the elections, the Modi government jailed some prominent opposition leaders, including Delhi’s Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal, for alleged corruption. A slew of defections from the opposition to the ruling party were expected to further strengthen the BJP. And the personality cult around the prime minister ensured that voters were continually reminded of his presence. At one point, Covid-19 vaccination certificates in India bore his image, and the ruling party last year portrayed a routine Group of 20 Summit as a global tribute to Mr. Modi’s leadership.

That Mr. Modi barely scraped through with the help of allies marks a serious blow to the aura of invincibility he has cultivated since becoming prime minister in 2014. In the temple town of Varanasi in the northern state of Uttar Pradesh—Mr. Modi’s constituency—his victory margin over his closest Congress rival in this election shrank by more than two-thirds compared with the 2019 election. The BJP lost 29 seats in Uttar Pradesh, and another 14 in the state of Maharashtra.

In a speech to party workers Tuesday night, Mr. Modi attempted to put a positive spin on a disappointing performance. He pointed out that his is the first Indian government to win three successive terms since Jawaharlal Nehru’s in 1962. More silver linings for the BJP: In state-level elections, the party won power for the first time in the eastern state of Odisha, and a BJP ally, the Telugu Desam party, won a substantial majority in the southern state of Andhra Pradesh. The BJP also significantly improved its vote share in the southern state of Tamil Nadu, and for the first time won a seat in neighboring Kerala.

How might a third Modi term differ from the first two? U.S.-India relations, driven by shared concerns about China’s ambitions, are unlikely to change.

The prime minister’s domestic agenda will depend on what lessons he draws from his humbling. If India is lucky, Mr. Modi will take a less heavy-handed approach toward his critics in the opposition and the media, and strike a more conciliatory tone toward Muslims, Christians and Sikhs who feel threatened by the excesses of Hindu nationalism. On the economic front, Indians should hope the prime minister continues to build infrastructure and rejects the Congress Party’s push to increase caste-based quotas in education and employment.

It’s uncertain which direction Mr. Modi will take. But one thing is clear: Indian voters aren’t as enamored with his strongman style and brassy overconfidence as he and his supporters assumed.
India’s voters want Modi to change (The Hill – opinion)
The Hill [6/5/2024 3:00 PM, Husain Haqqani and Aparna Pande, 18752K, Neutral]
At the start of India’s 44-day election exercise, during which 900 million eligible voters could cast their ballot in seven phases, pundits predicted an easy win for Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). But once the 640 million votes, reflecting a 67 percent turnout, were counted, the results surprised everyone, above all Modi himself.

Modi will likely still become prime minister of the world’s largest democracy for a third time, a feat managed only by India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, in the 16 years immediately following independence in 1947. But he will have to do it with the support of coalition partners, diminishing his stature as an elected strongman with a mission from God.

Since he was first elected chief minister of the state of Gujarat in 2001, Modi has never governed without a clear majority for his party in the legislature. His leadership style is more like that of an American chief executive than a European parliamentary coalition manager. But Indian voters showed some wariness of Modi and the BJP becoming too self-assured since their sweeping win in 2019.

The result of India’s latest elections is in some ways a reminder of how democracies can successfully apply self-correction mechanisms. In addition to concerns about over implementing BJP’s Hindutva ideology, which equates Indianness with Hinduism, some observers were worried about the prospect of authoritarianism in India. Modi’s team tended to brush aside criticism even when it came from longstanding friends or admirers.

Modi maintained tight control over Indian government and politics for 10 years. Weak opposition at the federal level also led to the BJP toppling state governments under regional parties. Breakaway factions were created within these parties by offering individuals government positions and money. The Indian National Congress (INC), which led India to independence from British rule and ruled India for almost five decades, was routed by the BJP in the last two national elections.

In addition to mocking Congress leader Rahul Gandhi (great-grandson, grandson and son of previous prime ministers) as an entitled dynast, Modi’s party had also pursued him in court, sentencing him to a prison term (later suspended by the Supreme Court), and voted to deprive him of his seat in parliament.

Despite that, the Congress party increased its popular vote from 19 percent in 2019 to 21 percent in 2024. The number of Congress party seats in the 543-member parliament rose from 44 in 2014 and 52 in 2019 to 99 this time around.

Rahul Gandhi is now a serious contender for power and has been rewarded for the hard work of walking across the country to revitalize his party. Political balance has somewhat been restored, with the Congress in position to at least question the government’s policies and the BJP being put in a position of having to answer them.

Regional parties were able to reassert themselves in various parts of India during the latest election, highlighting India’s ethnic diversity. In the end, BJP retained support in some stronghold states (Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh), gained the eastern state of Odisha, but lost seats in Uttar Pradesh, Rajasthan and Maharashtra. BJP attempts to win seats in southern and eastern parts of India also faced pushback.

The rhetoric of identitarian politics, pitching India’s Hindu majority against the country’s Muslim minority, had helped the BJP in the previous two general elections. But this time, people were more concerned about economic distress, and the BJP discovered the limits of religious identity as a basis for voters’ choices.

Still, the BJP’s popular vote share is almost the same as it was in 2019. But in 2019, that translated into 303 seats; it yielded only 240 seats this time. There seems to be a ceiling on the party’s ability to attract voters beyond its base. Communal slogans might have hurt the ruling party instead of rallying non-BJP Hindu voters to its side.

India’s stock market tumbled after it became clear that the country will no longer have a single-party government. During 10 years at the helm, Modi has presided over sustained economic growth and created a digital revolution. India is the fastest growing emerging economy and is expected to become the world’s third-largest economy by 2030. But unemployment remains high at 6.1 percent and youth unemployment stands at a worrying 45.4 percent.

When Modi first won elections in 2014, he brought hope of economic growth and development for the country, creating jobs for millions of young Indians. While millions of those who voted for him still cling to that hope, others felt a desire for change. In addition to unemployment, Modi’s government has also been dogged by allegations of crony capitalism, the favoring of specific business groups and corporations.

By voting the way they did, Indian voters seem to have pushed back against these policies and the prospect of an elected strongman and one-party control. Elections results leave the door open for a third Modi term, acknowledging the prime minister’s achievements, but with limits on his power and a rejection of his worst instincts. Modi will have to reinvent himself as a consensus builder to remain both effective and successful, giving up his centralizing and controlling tendencies.

Modi has become a familiar figure on the world stage, leveraging India’s global standing while balancing close ties with the United States with a claim to leadership of the “Global South.” Most world leaders would rather continue dealing with him instead of having to negotiate with a succession of prime ministers chosen to appease changing coalitions. India’s voters, too, seem to want a chastened Modi in office, at least for the immediate future.
NSB
Bangladesh’s Vulnerable Coastlines on the Frontline of Climate Effects (The Diplomat)
The Diplomat [6/5/2024 5:00 AM, Parvez Uddin Chowdhury, 1156K, Neutral]
The Bay of Bengal, the world’s largest bay, has always been one of the hotbeds for tropical cyclones. On the night of May 26, Cyclone Remal made landfall 80 kilometers southeast of the Indian city of Kolkata. It left behind much devastation in the Bay of Bengal littoral countries, India and Bangladesh.

In an age of rapid climate change, weather events are becoming more extreme and less predictable. Reports say that in recent decades, cyclones have decreased in frequency but increased in intensity.

Global warming is causing the water in the Bay of Bengal to rise faster than anywhere else. Climate scientists predict that due to sea level rise, the low-lying coastal areas of Bangladesh will go underwater. The World Bank estimates there could be 13 million climate migrants by 2050 in the country and has urged urgent climate actions.

Bangladesh is hit by cyclones often; the country is not new to their devastating impact.

Growing up in a coastal subdistrict called Banshkhali in the southeastern part of Bangladesh, I have become accustomed to frequent cyclone alerts. Especially during the monsoons, we have often carried our essential belongings and domestic animals to safety in distant cyclone shelters. We witnessed first-hand the devastating impact of tidal surges and floods; we saw embankments breached, eroded farmland being washed into the sea, livelihoods destroyed, and coastal communities displaced.

Bangladesh has a 580-kilometer-long vulnerable coastline. Going around all islands and up the estuaries, the coastline is estimated to be nearly 1,320 km long. In the Global Climate Risk Index 2021, Bangladesh is ranked among the seven most extreme disaster-prone countries globally. Worldwide, 22 of the 30 deadliest tropical cyclones have occurred in the Bay of Bengal, according to research published in the Yale Climate Connections by Jeff Masters, a hurricane scientist who documents extreme weather events.

As extreme weather events continue to rise, coastal communities are becoming increasingly vulnerable. According to the Bangladesh Weather Bureau, this April was the hottest April on record in Bangladesh. The combination of floods, intense cyclones, and escalating temperatures every year is taking a huge toll on the coastal ecosystems, resulting in devastating impacts.

Environmental degradation caused by growing human footprints in the coastal areas is also exacerbating climate risks. Along the southeastern coastal belts in Chittagong, mangrove forests are cleared to make space for shrimp farming, salt production, and economic zones, leaving people without adequate protection against cyclones. As a result, coastal areas rapidly eroding into the sea is a constant reality. The water crisis is getting worse as underground water is declining and salinity in the streams and farmlands due to sea level rise is increasing.

Last month, Cyclone Remal struck Bangladesh and the neighboring eastern Indian coast, leaving a trail of death and destruction, killing dozens, damaging homes, uprooting trees, and breaching embankments. Experts say the Sundarbans, the largest mangrove in the world pays a price as it serves as a first line of defense against cyclones. Following the cyclone, scores of animals were found dead and thousands of trees uprooted in Sundarbans.

Also in May 2023, a powerful cyclone called Mocha hit the Bangladesh and Myanmar coasts, tearing apart coastal villages and refugee camps. The deadliest cyclone wind I experienced in my life-time was in October 2023 in Cox’s Bazar. That cyclone was named Hamoon.

The Ganges-Brahmaputra-Meghna (GBM) Delta, also known as the Bengal River Delta, is situated in one of the world’s most fertile regions that has a variety of flora and fauna, which historically attracted people to migrate from other regions.

It is a transitional mega-delta shared between Bangladesh and India, with around 280 million people residing in this densely populated region. The reason this delta has a large population lies in its diverse ecosystems and abundant resources. However, in an era of climate change, the scenario is changing. Thousands in the coastal areas, with their lives and livelihoods affected by frequent flooding, erosion, cyclones, and salinization, are giving up on traditional rice farming and migrating to crowded cities like Dhaka and Chittagong to find work. Others are migrating to Middle Eastern countries for better livelihoods.

Often referred to as the land of rivers, Bangladesh has a complex network of more than 900 rivers. While monsoons and rivers were once the lifeline for this delta, sustaining communities and ecosystems, the combination of climate change and anti-river development policies has resulted in many rivers getting polluted and dying, and monsoons becoming a menace.

During the monsoons, river erosion and flooding are constant events causing huge displacement and damage to farmlands. Once a country of six seasons, Bangladesh has now turned into a country of three. Winters are becoming increasingly warmer, summers drier, and monsoons erratic.

Coastal communities in southern Chittagong continue to bear the haunting memories of the devastating April 29, 1991 cyclone, which claimed over 140,000 lives, including more than 40,000 from Banshkhali alone. Entire villages were washed away, and the whole coastal belt in Chittagong and Cox’s Bazar was left utterly destroyed. Whenever a cyclone alert is raised, my mother insists that I seek shelter in an elevated place. She is still haunted by the memory of the surging waters of 1991 that swept everything away.

Jalal Uddin Chowdhury, a local high school teacher from a coastal village in southern Chittagong, lost five members of his family including his mother, sister, and grandmother during the cyclone of April 29, 1991. To this day, he cannot forget the horrors of that night. The memories still haunt him, especially when cyclone alerts are raised during the April-May period. Driven by his personal experience and commitment to safeguarding the environment, Jalal has actively supported efforts to plant more trees and restore some of the lost mangroves at the Ratnapur point of the Banshkhali coastline.

In a recent article for a leading national newspaper, I explored the vital role of seagrass beds in safeguarding the coastlines of southern Chittagong. Seagrass in the inter-tidal zones serve as a nature-based protection system for the coastline against rising seas. Over time, they facilitate the growth of mangrove forests, further enhancing coastal resilience. Beyond its protective function to the coastline, seagrass beds play a crucial role in maintaining biodiversity. They provide shelter and food to diverse aquatic species on the shore including crabs, seahorses, turtles, and many other tiny invertebrates. Climate scientists also highlight their remarkable ability to capture carbon from the atmosphere, contributing to climate mitigation efforts.

Residing along the southeastern coastline of Bangladesh, we can perceive the sounds of climate warnings through the change of patterns of natural events and hazards. But our politicians remain impervious to these warnings. They are not bothered by the repeated climate warnings. Environment-friendly development approaches in countries like Bangladesh remain elusive. Rather we continue with more concretization in the name of development and neglect the environmental degradation and escalating adverse effects of climate change, which has become the greatest existential threat facing all humanity today.

I often get reminded of what the renowned Australian public intellectual Clive Hamilton once wrote in an article for the Guardian newspaper: “We continue to plan for the future as if climate scientists don’t exist. The greatest shame is the absence of a sense of tragedy.”

There is no time to downplay the climate warning. Addressing the consequences of climate change and taking urgent action to build coastal resilience and ensure a sustainable future for this delta is the prime need of the hour.
EV sales boom in Nepal, helping to save on oil imports and alleviate smog (AP)
AP [6/6/2024 1:04 AM, Binaj Gurubacharya, 456K, Neutral]
Nepal’s abundant hydroelectric power is helping the Himalayan nation cut its oil imports and clean up its air, thanks to a boom in sales of electric vehicles.

Nearly all of the electricity produced in Nepal is clean energy, most of it generated by river-fed hydro-electricity. Thanks to that abundant source of power, the country is quickly expanding charging networks and imports of EVs have doubled in each of the past two years, according to customs data.

The Nepal Electricity Authority estimates use of EVs has reduced oil import costs by $22 million a year, and the savings are increasing.

Access to electricity in Nepal has soared in the past three decades as hydroelectric projects were completed. Now all but 6% of the population can reach the country’s fast-expanding grid. That is enabling the country to leapfrog its neighbors in adopting EVs.

Nepal so far has the peak capacity to produce 2,600 megawatts of power and that is increasing as new hydropower plants are completed. A very small amount of power is also generated by solar plants.

“Our electricity in the grid is from hydropower so it is clean energy. And so Nepal is ideally placed to use electricity to run our vehicles in the best way it should be, which is that the energy source itself is clean. It is not coal, gas or nuclear or petroleum,” said Kanak Mani Dixit, a leading environment and civil rights activist.

Official data on sales were not available, but Chinese automaker BYD’s Atto 3 and Indian maker Tata’s Nexon appear to dominate sales of electric passenger sedans.

Nepal has made boosting use of EVs part of its national commitments to curbing climate changing emissions, pledging to raise EVs to 25% of all auto sales by 2025 and 90% by 2030.

To help drive more sales, the government is charging lower duties on imported EVs, ranging from 25% to 90%. The import duties on gas and diesel-fueled vehicles are 276% to 329%.

Nepal also has been quickly adding charging stations

Sagar Mani Gnawali, who head the agency’s department in charge of Electric Vehicle Charging infrastructure Development, said Nepal now has 400 charging stations and the number is expected to double within a year.

Jyotindra Sharma, a cardiac surgeon who has been driving an EV, a 2019 KIA Niro, for four years, says he is glad to know he is helping reduce the smog that poses severe health hazards in the Kathmandu valley.

“I am extremely happy using an electric vehicle because I could contribute to the environment compared to the petrol cars,” he said. “The electricity cost for charging and everything is much less and I got a much, much more luxurious car for the same price compared with gas-fueled cars,” Sharma said.

EV enthusiasts also include drivers of small public vans who make their living ferrying passengers around the city and beyond.

“It is very easy to drive, there is no pollution, and it’s good for the environment. Not only that, it’s good for the country as the nation’s money does not go to foreign land to buy oil. There are benefits all round,” said Bhakta Kumar Gupta who has drives people from Kathmandu to southern Nepal and back everyday.

Gupta replaced his diesel-run van with an EV the same size that can carry 10 passengers. It cost him $40 to buy diesel every day. Now, he says it costs about $6 to charge his van.

But while hundreds of small EV vans ferry passengers on short routes, Kathmandu has very few EV buses and none connect the capital with other cities. Pollution from buses and other vehicles and from burning fuels for cooking and heating made Kathmandu one of the world’s worst polluted cities for several days in April, as the government warned people to stay indoors.

Shifting to more EVs is crucial, said Dixit, the environmental activist.

“We desperately need that for the sake of our health and for the sake of our economy’s health, individuals’ health and our lungs as well as our national health,” he said.
Sri Lanka Closes In on Debt Restructuring With Bilateral Lenders (Bloomberg)
Bloomberg [6/5/2024 8:56 AM, Jorgelina Do Rosario and Ezra Fieser, 27296K, Positive]
Sri Lanka and a group of creditors are in advanced talks over a deal aimed at restructuring the nation’s debt with bilateral lenders, according to people familiar with the matter.

The government and members of the official creditor committee, which includes India, Hungary and the Paris Club, are exchanging draft versions of the accord, or memorandum of understanding, the people said, asking not to be identified as the talks are private.

The documents are needed to finalize an agreement reached in November between the South Asian nation and the official creditor committee and hash out the few remaining issues before a deal is settled, one of the people said.

The country’s notes due in November 2025 are trading at 59.6 cents on the dollar, while dollar-denominated bonds due in 2030 are trading around 58.6 cents on the dollar, continuing to recover after it failed to agree on a deal with bondholders back in April.

Sri Lanka needs to reach deals with bilateral lenders and bondholders to keep receiving disbursements under its $3 billion bailout from the International Monetary Fund. The IMF will evaluate the deals to ensure they provide enough relief to the island nation that it can meet its debt sustainability parameters.

The country owes $10.6 billion to bilateral creditors, according to government data, with China representing over 40% of that debt. It also needs to restructure $12 billion in debt with overseas private creditors.

Because it has middle-income status, the country is not part of the so-called Group of 20 Common Framework debt initiative, so talks with Chinese official creditors are conducted separately. The people declined to provide any updates on the negotiations between Sri Lanka and China, citing the fact that those talks are separate.

Sri Lanka’s central bank governor and the secretary of the treasury didn’t respond to queries from Bloomberg. Cabinet approval was sought for a debt restructuring matter, Cabinet spokesman Bandula Gunawardana said Tuesday, without elaborating, when questioned about whether bilateral creditor debt agreements were discussed.

The Paris Club did not immediately respond to a request for comment.

Sri Lanka’s first round of talks with dollar bondholders failed to yield an agreement in mid-April, when the government said it had reservations regarding the structure of “macro-linked bonds,” an instrument proposed by international bondholders.

The official creditor committee isn’t requesting a structure similar to the macro-linked bonds in its the debt rework with the country, one of the people said. The payout for those securities would vary depending on the nation’s economic performance.
Sri Lanka gives preliminary approval to Musk’s Starlink (Reuters)
Reuters [6/6/2024 3:19 AM, Uditha Jayasinghe, 5.2M, Neutral]
Sri Lanka has given Elon Musk’s Starlink, the satellite unit of SpaceX, preliminary approval to provide internet services there, the president’s office said on Thursday.

Sri Lanka fast-tracked the approval process after Musk met with President Ranil Wickremesinghe last month in Indonesia on the sidelines of the 10th World Water Forum.
Sri Lanka’s telecommunications regulator gave preliminary approval after a public consultation, the president’s office said in a short statement.

Musk and Wickremesinghe had discussed ways to expand internet connectivity in rural Sri Lanka and potential collaboration on renewable energy, the president’s office said.
Central Asia
Kremlin Spokesman’s Daughter Reportedly Registered In Kazakhstan Amid Western Sanctions (Radio Free Europe)
Radio Free Europe [6/5/2024 9:01 AM, Staff, 1530K, Neutral]
Systema, RFE/RL’s Russian investigative unit, said on June 4 that it had discovered the name and details of a person who it believes is Yelizaveta Peskova, the daughter of Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov, in the national taxpayer registry of Kazakhstan.

Systema said it found personal data in online sources that aligns with Peskova, adding she most likely received an individual identification number (IIN) in the Central Asian country before September 2022 since it was registered when Astana was still officially known as Nur-Sultan.

The capital used that name between March 2019 and September 2022.

An IIN allows individuals to get social benefits and simplifies the process of opening bank accounts in Kazakhstan.

Tens of thousands of Russian citizens, including celebrities and other luminaries, have obtained an IIN in Kazakhstan to avoid sanctions imposed on Russian banks and companies over Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, launched in February 2022.

Kazakhstan’s Agency of Financial Control has said that 9.2 billion tenges ($21.5 million at the time) belonging to Kazakh citizens have been frozen in branches of several Russian banks in Kazakhstan due to the international sanctions.

Systema said it was not clear if Peskova used her Kazakh IIN to open bank accounts in Kazakhstan.

Neither Peskova nor her father immediately commented on the report.

Peskova was hit by Western sanctions over her father’s activities in support of Moscow’s actions against Ukraine.

She has called the sanctions "unjust and ungrounded," insisting she has nothing to do with "the situation in Ukraine."

In May 2022, Kazakh banks had to tighten procedures for issuing payment cards to Russian citizens as banks in Kazakhstan were flooded by tens of thousands of Russian citizens seeking to open bank accounts and obtain credit cards after global payment giants Mastercard and Visa suspended operations in Russia due to the sanctions.

Several bank officials in Kazakhstan said at the time that the uncontrolled issuance of payment cards to Russian citizens could lead to Western sanctions on them.
Kazakh Opposition Leader’s Appeal Denied By Supreme Court (Radio Free Europe)
Radio Free Europe [6/5/2024 12:32 PM, Staff, 1530K, Negative]
Kazakhstan’s Supreme Court on June 5 rejected an appeal filed by Marat Zhylanbaev, the chairman of the unregistered Algha Qazaqstan (Forward Kazakhstan) party, against a seven-year prison term he was given in November on a charge of taking part in the activities of the banned Democratic Choice of Kazakhstan (DVK) movement and its financing. Zhylanbaev’s lawyer, Meiirzhan Dosqaraev, said they will appeal. The DVK, led by the fugitive opposition politician Mukhtar Ablyazov, was labeled extremist and banned in the Central Asian country in March 2018. International and domestic human rights organizations have urged Astana to release Zhylanbaev.
Kyrgyzstan Detains 6 People Suspected Of Desecrating National Flag (Radio Free Europe)
Radio Free Europe [6/5/2024 4:14 PM, Staff, 235K, Negative]
Kyrgyzstan’s State Committee for National Security (UKMK) said on June 5 that it has detained six people, including two teenaged girls, in the southern region of Jalal-Abad for allegedly desecrating the Central Asian nation’s flag last week. On May 30, two Kyrgyz national flags were removed from schools in the Suzak district’s village of Bek-Abad and burned. The two flags were replaced with white banners carrying a religious statement in Arabic. According to the UKMK, those detained are members of Hizb ut-Tahrir Islamic group that is labeled extremist and banned in the former Soviet republic.
Twitter
Afghanistan
UN Special Rapporteur Richard Bennett
@SR_Afghanistan
[6/5/2024 11:51 AM, 39.4K followers, 70 retweets, 147 likes]
Once again I condemn the widespread flogging of men, womn, childrn, this time in public in SarePul&Ghor for so-called "moral crimes" (adultery, elopement…) This violates #Afghanistan’s obligations to prohibit torture/other forms of cruel&inhuman punishment. It needs to stop now!

UNAMA News
@UNAMAnews
[6/5/2024 10:19 AM, 308.2K followers, 34 retweets, 31 likes]
63 people were publicly lashed in Saripul yesterday by Afghanistan’s de facto authorities. UNAMA reiterates its condemnation of corporal punishment and calls for respect for international human rights obligations.

UNAMA News
@UNAMAnews
[6/5/2024 8:20 AM, 308.2K followers, 11 retweets, 17 likes]
Afghanistan ranks among the top ten countries most impacted by climate change and one of the least prepared to manage, adapt, & mitigate. Investment & decisive action are needed in land restoration & water management. #WorldEnvironmentDay #GenerationRestoration

Heather Barr
@heatherbarr1
[6/5/2024 12:02 PM, 62.5K followers, 21 retweets, 52 likes]
This dire human rights news makes it even more baffling that the UN is convening states for talks on Afghanistan in less than a month with a focus on (checks notes) economic development, counter narcotics, and climate—and bending over backwards pleading for the Taliban to attend.

Sara Wahedi
@SaraWahedi
[6/5/2024 9:46 PM, 79.4K followers, 29 retweets, 67 likes]
The Taliban’s growing international acceptance has only emboldened them. Yesterday, 63 people were publicly lashed in Sar-e-Pul province. And today, @UNAMAnews reports that the Taliban has ordered all government institutions to reduce the salaries of female civil servants.

Sara Wahedi
@SaraWahedi
[6/5/2024 9:46 PM, 79.4K followers, 14 likes]
It is hypocritical that the UAE is engaging with the Taliban while their own women occupy top leadership roles. Meanwhile, in Afghanistan, women are legally barred from earning above a certain amount or holding certain positions, solely based on their gender.

Bilal Sarwary
@bsarwary
[6/5/2024 9:36 AM, 253.7K followers, 17 retweets, 64 likes]
It’s interesting to observe Anas Haqqani’s regular presence Abu Dhabi. He spends more time in the UAE than in Kabul and is considered very close to Sheikh Mansoor Al Nahyan, the vice president of the UAE and brother of the current president. He has been trying to arrange this meeting for quite some time. Secondly, the current Taliban chargé d’affaires at the Afghanistan embassy in Abu Dhabi, Mr. Badruddin Khan, a very close associate of Siraj Haqqani. He has also been trying to influence the Emiratis to get closer to the Haqqanis as they were once their father Jalal ud din Haqqani in 1980s. Finally, the whole effort to influence the UAE royals is aimed at consolidating political and economic power. The Qataris are apparently too American interest driven, and the Haqqanis do not trust them. They need their own relationships, and it might be costly for some in terms of losing positions at the pleasure of Qatar and with the decrees of the Taliban’s supreme leader.
Pakistan
Shehbaz Sharif
@CMShehbaz
[6/5/2024 8:43 AM, 6.7M followers, 322 retweets, 1.1K likes]
Greetings from Beijing! I am glad to return to this magnificent city to meet the Chinese leadership, engage in meaningful dialogues, establish new friendships, and promote bilateral and regional cooperation for a prosperous and shared future.

Shehbaz Sharif
@CMShehbaz
[6/5/2024 7:25 AM, 6.7M followers, 331 retweets, 1.1K likes]
During my visit to @Huawei HQ in Shenzhen today, I was impressed by latest innovative technologies that are changing the world and the way we live. Discussed how Huawei and Pakistan can collaborate to build a better, digital future together. Reiterated our commitment to advancing an innovative, inclusive and sustainable digital transformation for Pakistan

Anas Mallick
@AnasMallick
[6/5/2024 11:37 PM, 73.4K followers, 8 retweets, 56 likes]
Pakistan is set to be elected for the 8th time today as a Non-Permanent member of the United Nations Security Council for the term of 2025-2026 -- This will be the 8th time Pakistan will be at the UNSC, the last time Pakistan was a member at UNSC was in 2013.
India
Narendra Modi
@narendramodi
[6/5/2024 12:33 PM, 98.4M followers, 9.3K retweets, 87K likes]
Happy to receive call from my friend President @JoeBiden. Deeply value his warm words of felicitations and his appreciation for the Indian democracy. Conveyed that India-US Comprehensive Global Partnership is poised to witness many new landmarks in the years to come. Our partnership will continue to be a force for global good for the benefit of humanity. @POTUS

Narendra Modi
@narendramodi
[6/5/2024 12:01 PM, 98.4M followers, 23K retweets, 159K likes]
Met our valued NDA partners. Ours is an alliance that will further national progress and fulfil regional aspirations. We will serve the 140 crore people of India and work towards building a Viksit Bharat.

Narendra Modi
@narendramodi
[6/5/2024 3:38 AM, 98.4M followers, 9.9K retweets, 67K likes]
Today, on World Environment Day, delight to start a campaign, #एक_पेड़_माँ_के_नाम. I call upon everyone, in India and around the world, to plant a tree in the coming days as a tribute to your mother. Do share a picture of you doing so using #Plant4Mother or #एक_पेड़_माँ_के_नाम.

Narendra Modi
@narendramodi
[6/5/2024 3:38 AM, 98.4M followers, 1.7K retweets, 9.2K likes]
This morning, I planted a tree in line with our commitment to protecting Mother Nature and making sustainable lifestyle choices. I urge you all to also contribute to making our planet better. #Plant4Mother

Narendra Modi
@narendramodi
[6/5/2024 3:38 AM, 98.4M followers, 1.2K retweets, 6K likes]
It would make you all very happy that in the last decade, India has undertaken numerous collective efforts which have led to increased forest cover across the nation. This is great for our quest towards sustainable development. It is also commendable how local communities have risen to the occasion and taken a lead in this.

Michael Kugelman
@MichaelKugelman
[6/5/2024 12:11 PM, 210.1K followers, 16 retweets, 112 likes]
Modi begins his third term June 8. In this essay for @TIMEIdeas, I argue that the reelection of Prime Minister Narendra Modi-even with his smaller mandate-positions India to begin a transition from a middle to a major power. But that shift won’t be easy. https://time.com/6985284/india-modi-reelection-significance/

Dr. S. Jaishankar
@DrSJaishankar
[6/5/2024 10:04 AM, 3.1M followers, 3.4K retweets, 33K likes]
Congratulate PM @narendramodi ji on him being unanimously elected as the leader of the NDA. The transformational impact of your leadership to the lives of people in the nation and for the stature of India abroad has been unparalleled. Confident that your stewardship will continue guiding Bharat in our endeavor to be a Vishwabandhu.

Dr. S. Jaishankar
@DrSJaishankar
[6/5/2024 8:19 AM, 3.1M followers, 1.1K retweets, 12K likes]
Happy World Environment Day! A great initiative of PM @narendramodi #Plant4Mother. My mother would have appreciated the Kinnow sapling that I have planted today. Mission LiFE unites pro planet people; but it can be equally personal for each of us.

Hamid Mir
@HamidMirPAK
[6/5/2024 3:01 PM, 8.5M followers, 122 retweets, 879 likes]
Indian Muslims actually won the battle of their survival by voting the secular & leftist parties against the BJP. They blocked two third majority for Modi and saved constitution. They proved that Muslims are still a very relevant political force in India. https://www.trtworld.com/magazine/indias-muslims-rally-behind-opposition-to-deny-modi-a-clean-sweep-18169996
NSB
Awami League
@albd1971
[6/5/2024 11:26 AM, 638.5K followers, 21 retweets, 62 likes]
#Bangladesh is one of the pioneers in #coastal #afforestation. Currently, the afforestation has been created in some 261,570 hectares in the coastal areas. We’ve created a green belt of 89,853 hectares since 2009: HPM #SheikhHasina at the event on #WorldEnvironmentDay. https://unb.com.bd/category/Bangladesh/bangladesh-is-a-global-pioneer-in-coastal-afforestation-pm-hasina/136847

Awami League
@albd1971
[6/5/2024 6:41 AM, 638.5K followers, 23 retweets, 60 likes]
Prime Minister #SheikhHasina today said the #AwamiLeague government aims to protect the country, its people and the nature from the natural calamities, urging all to plant saplings at empty place of houses and offices to protect the environment. #WorldEnvironmentDay #TreePlantation #ClimateChange https://bssnews.net/news-flash/193285

Awami League
@albd1971
[6/5/2024 5:22 AM, 638.5K followers, 60 retweets, 228 likes]
HPM #SheikhHasina handed over a cheque of financial assistance of Tk 50 million for the people of #Palestine today. Palestine Ambassador Yousef S Y Ramadan received the cheque on behalf of his country. During the meeting, PM said, "Western countries are showing double-standard regarding the Palestinians", adding that although they (western countries) always talk about #humanrights for all. “But, they don’t bother about the human rights violation of Palestinians, and killing of innocent people there, rather they keep mum here,” she said. #Bangladesh #AwamiLeague #FreePalestine #SaveGaza

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Maldives
@MoFAmv
[6/5/2024 2:18 PM, 54.1K followers, 11 retweets, 17 likes]
#FOSIM concluded Orientation Briefing for the 7th batch of diplomats. Participants were briefed on Multilateral Relations, Multilateral Diplomacy and Security Concerns, Networking & Relationship Building and Meetings, Workshops and Trainings preparation.

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Maldives
@MoFAmv
[6/5/2024 2:11 PM, 54.1K followers, 25 retweets, 32 likes]
Foreign Minister @MoosaZameer attended a dinner hosted by Foreign Minister @alisabrypc, in honour of Minister Zameer. During the dinner, both Ministers continued the discussions following the bilateral talks held in the afternoon. @MFA_SriLanka

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Maldives
@MoFAmv
[6/5/2024 12:47 PM, 54.1K followers, 30 retweets, 43 likes]
FM @Moosazameer paid a courtesy call on the President of Sri Lanka, @RW_UNP. Reaffirmed commitment to further enhance the excellent bilateral relations between the two countries. Expressed appreciation for the enduring friendship & close cooperation between Maldives & Sri Lanka

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Maldives
@MoFAmv
[6/5/2024 8:14 PM, 54.1K followers, 32 retweets, 44 likes]
FM @moosazameer & FM @alisabrypc held Bilateral Talks today. Both Ministers reaffirmed their commitment to working closely together. Discussions focused on many areas including economic development, education, health, fisheries, youth, sports & skills development.

Moosa Zameer
@MoosaZameer
[6/5/2024 1:22 PM, 13.4K followers, 40 retweets, 72 likes]
I had the pleasure of meeting Honourable @RajapaksaNamal, MP, a long time friend of Maldives. We reflected on our time tested and historic ties of frienship. Confident that the close relationship between #Maldives and #SriLanka will progress further in the years ahead.

Moosa Zameer
@MoosaZameer
[6/5/2024 10:20 AM, 13.4K followers, 31 retweets, 62 likes]
Honoured to call on the President of #SriLanka, @RW_UNP I expressed our appreciation for the continuous support and cooperation extended by Sri Lanka for the socio-economic development of #Maldives. I reaffirmed our commitment to deepen our bilateral ties through mutually beneficial collaborations.

M U M Ali Sabry
@alisabrypc
[6/5/2024 7:51 AM, 5.5K followers, 2 retweets, 8 likes]
Pleased to join President @RW_UNP at the ceremony held for the presentation of credentials from 14 Heads of Missions at Colombo today. @MFA_SriLanka

M U M Ali Sabry
@alisabrypc
[6/5/2024 7:43 AM, 5.5K followers, 27 retweets, 60 likes]
It was good to meet with the Maldivian Foreign Minister @MoosaZameer at @MFA_SriLanka today. Our discussion centered around further strengthening our excellent bilateral relations, specially in the areas of economic cooperation, health, education, fisheries, youth and sports & social protection. Sri Lanka and the Maldives share a strong bond built on longstanding trust and friendship, and I am confident that this relationship will be further strengthened in the years to come @MoFAmv
Central Asia
Furqat Sidiqov
@FurqatSidiq
[6/5/2024 5:01 PM, 1.4K followers, 1 retweet, 5 likes]
Productive meeting of the #Uzbekistan delegation led by @president_uz’s Special Envoy on Foreign Policy Abdulaziz Kamilov with Senator @SteveDaines. Discussed regional cooperation in Central Asia and the importance of strong bilateral relations between UZ-US

Navbahor Imamova
@Navbahor
[6/5/2024 12:35 PM, 23.3K followers, 2 retweets, 10 likes]
Uzbekistan: Another blogger sentenced to prison term. Ezgulik Human Rights Society’s Abdurakhmon Tashanov confirms that fellow activist Murod Mahsudov was given 7,5 years, "guilty" of extortion and defamation. Closed trial in Tashkent’s Yashnobod district’s criminal court. The case was opened a while ago. Mahsudov, who defended himself, pleaded not guilty.

{End of Report}
To subscribe to the SCA Morning Press Clips, please email SCA-PressOfficers@state.gov. Please do not reply directly to this email.